This study of early years services in India explores the take-up of the government ICDS (Integrated Child Development Services Scheme) and RGNCS (Rajiv Gandhi National Crèche Scheme), and the factors affecting their uptake by working mothers in a Delhi slum. Policy cannot assess programme outcomes effectively without understanding how services are implemented. Existing literature indicates that programme impact is related to programme take-up, with non-take-up being a complex phenomenon affected by factors operating at multiple levels of the policy process. The study makes original contributions by examining user perspectives on early childhood education and care (ECEC) in the Indian context; in being the first to research any aspect of the RGNCS; and in utilizing Critical Realism as the underlying philosophical, theoretical and methodological paradigm for studying programme uptake. It poses five research questions that examine mothers' childcare arrangements and needs/expectations from services, their take-up of government programmes and component services, and the combination of factors affecting uptake. Study findings are based on surveys with 200 working mothers and 37 children's centre workers, and interviews with 15 policy experts. Findings reveal childcare arrangements and needs/expectations to vary by family structure, child's age, and mother's age and employment. ICDS uptake is found to be higher (54.3% of all mothers), than RGNCS (18.6%). An explanatory framework for analysing take-up reveals that low take-up results from a combination of multiple factors, most significantly programme characteristics for the ICDS, and participant characteristics for the RGNCS. Two theoretical frameworks frame this analysis - Wolman's (1981) determinants of programme success and failure, and the 'barriers and bridges' to programme uptake. Critical policy analysis further identifies the effects of the policy meaning-making processes, and the role of local 'street-level bureaucrats' in take-up. Both programmes display 'conflicted policy success' vis-à-vis take-up when categorised using McConnell's (2010) criteria for programme 'success' and 'failure'. Policy implications include strategies for increasing programme uptake, and a policy focus upon service users and women in the informal economy, recognition of the dual role of ECEC, and the importance of evidence-creation for interactive governance.

The Indians that settled in South Africa were differentiated by class, caste, religion, language and region of origin. Whilst some Indians were imported as indentured labourers to work on the sugar plantations in Natal, others came as merchants and traders and set up businesses in South Africa. In this thesis, I consider the historical background to the construction of 'Indianness' in South Africa, where the idea of 'community', a contested and transformative concept, called upon existing cultural traditions brought from India, as well as new ways of life that developed in South Africa. Crucially, central to the construction of 'Indianness' were notions of citizenship and belonging within their new environment. I look at the ways in which sections of the Indian 'community' were radicalised through fighting for democratic rights and citizenship in South Africa, and subsequently joined the South African Communist Party. With Indian South African communists, there was, I argue, a complex articulation between the influence of Gandhi and the Indian national movement, socialism and class politics, and the circumstances of their new social and political landscape. Historically, Indians have been disproportionately represented in the South African Communist Party in relation to their numbers in wider South African society. They have played an important part in the development of political strategies within the party and, in particular, have contributed to the ongoing debate on the relationship between nationalism and socialism and the practical application of this in party work. In this thesis, I look at the role of Indians in the South African Communist Party and consider the social, cultural and political influences that they brought to the organisation. I examine how these traditions were woven into new forms of political resistance within the CP, and how these fed into the Defiance Campaign of 1952.

This thesis is a comparative analysis between two villages in India, examining personal accounts from participants in the world’s largest anti-poverty programme, the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA). The analysis is based on an eight-week field-study in Andhra Pradesh, which was financed through a Minor Field Study Scholarship by the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). This thesis aim to provide the discourse with empirical research of the process that leads to empowerment using qualitative methods. The relationship of interest is how women in NREGA perceive employment has led to a perception of empowerment. The hypothesis is that employment in NREGA can lead to perceived empowerment, but that it is dependent on the development level including the intensity of patriarchal norms and caste tensions in the village of implementation. Empowerment is understood as a process of change – when a person experiences an expansion in their ability to make valued choices and desired outcomes. The theoretical foundation is that empowerment can occur in three different levels of analysis: immediate (sense of self-hood and identity), intermediate (rules and relationships in different spheres of life) and deeper (structural relations of power) levels. The results show that employment in NREGA leads to perceived empowerment in immediate levels of analysis, through an expansion of abilities in choice and achievements, irrespective of development level, but that the development level and intensity of patriarchal norms and caste tensions is determinant for whether employment in NREGA leads to perceived empowerment in intermediate and deeper levels of empowerment. This thesis argues that to achieve sustainable empowerment structural relations of power must be transformed. The main recommendation for policies and programmes is therefore to acknowledge the importance of development level including patriarchal norms and caste tensions when implementing programmes like NREGA with objectives of sustainable empowerment for low-caste women, to ensure what objectives are feasible.

碩士 / 國立臺北教育大學 / 藝術與造形設計學系碩士班 / 101 / We just buried the last doom date fix feet under; somehow the mystery remains everlastingly. No matter it is because of being treated as less due to low social status, or still feeling unsatisfied while having everything one could ever dreamed of. It seems that we’re actually building the cage that imprisoned ourselves. On top of that, we might accidentally pushed people on the other side of the world into their living hell while we’re trying to earn a good living. What exactly is the archetype of heaven, hell, reincarnation, or doom? That’s all about the feelings and experience of every persons, and I believe it is the concept which drives people to contemplate on how and what are they going to do with their lives. If we agreed on the fact that this is a crazy world we live in, doesn’t it indicate that people who are barely fit in the normal ones? The reason why I might have exposed myself too much throughout the thesis mainly because of I’m every bit as an individual of our time as the rest of people. Therefore, while I was crashed due to confronting this world, I feel obligated to provide the process of healing, collecting and acknowledging myself through my creation. I strive to intervene with my words and works, trying to bring out the issues instead of looking for solutions which might be nowhere to be found. Just like what Gandhi said, “we must become the change we want to see in the world”, despite that personal experience might not be worth mentioning, everyone still needs to find the calling sometime in their lives, and put that humble strength in the action for change.

Through a critical examination of his oeuvre in relation to his transoceanic geographical and intellectual mobility, this dissertation argues that George Woodcock (1912-1995) articulates and applies a normative and methodological approach I term "regional cosmopolitanism". I trace the development of this philosophy from its germination in London's thirties and forties, when Woodcock drifted from the poetics of the "Auden generation" towards the anti-imperialism of Mahatma Gandhi and the anarchist aesthetic modernism of Sir Herbert Read. I show how these connected influences--and those also of Mulk Raj Anand, Marie-Louise Berneri, Prince Peter Kropotkin, George Orwell, and French Surrealism--affected Woodcock's critical engagements via print and radio with the Canadian cultural landscape of the Cold War and its concurrent countercultural long sixties. Woodcock's dynamic and dialectical understanding of the relationship between literature and society produced a key intervention in the development of Canadian literature and its critical study leading up to the establishment of the Canada Council and the groundbreaking journal "Canadian Literature". Through his research and travels in India--where he established relations with the exiled Dalai Lama and major figures of an independent English Indian literature--Woodcock relinquished the universalism of his modernist heritage in practising, as I show, a postcolonial and postmodern situated critical cosmopolitanism that advocates globally relevant regional culture as the interplay of various traditions shaped by specific geographies. I account for the relationships that pertain between this cosmopolitanism and the theories of the other most prominent Canadian cultural critics of the period, Northrop Frye and Marshall McLuhan. Woodcock's regional cosmopolitanism, advancing a culturally and politically confederate country as first established by Canadian Aboriginal civilizations, charged the ascending Romantic nationalism of the period with imperialism. As a theory of "common ground" fostering participatory agency for the post-national global village, regional cosmopolitanism offers an alternative to multiculturalism and Western humanist models of organization associated with neoliberalism. / Arts, Faculty of / English, Department of / Graduate

This dissertation examines how Sikh women who survived the anti-Sikh massacre in 1984 in Delhi, India, cope with the long-term legacies of violence and trauma amid the backdrop of the urban space of the city. After the assassination of then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards, approximately thirty-five hundred Sikh men were killed in October and November 1984. Many of the survivors, Sikh widows and their families, were relocated shortly after to the “Widow Colony,” a designated slum also known as Tilak Vihar, within the boundary of Tilak Nagar in West Delhi, as a means of rehabilitation and compensation. The work arises from fieldwork carried out between December 2012 and March 2014. I begin by discussing in depth the space of the Widow Colony and its relation to the rest of the city of Delhi. I then analyze the events of the 1984 massacre through the narratives of Sikh widows and how they remember their experiences of violence. I discuss how violence can have long-term ramifications for everyday life in arenas such as kinship networks, economic stability, health and wellness, and social life. These experiences are further amplified by gender, caste, and class. I also examine the impact of the stigma of widowhood in this community. This research seeks to interrogate how memories of violence inform, and are constituted by, embodied, affective practices carried out in a gendered space produced by the state. I argue that Sikh widows cope with long-term trauma by creating new forms of sociality and memory through their everyday lives and religious practices in the Widow Colony. The memory of the 1984 violence figures heavily among the Sikh diaspora. Thus, I also explore the relationship between the Widow Colony and Sikhs in the transnational arena. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

Program planning is a vital activity in any organization. Over the years, different models and frameworks of program planning have been studied in adult and distance education. However, little research has been done in this field from a gender perspective. This then was the challenge which this study sought to address. To investigate this problem, this case study employed qualitative research methods including interviews, observations and document analysis. This research study sought to understand how gender-sensitivity could become a part of adult education program planning in a distance education organization. Therefore the study focused on the planning process of the Master of Business Administration/Master of Public Administration (MBA/MPA) program which is offered at Indira Gandhi National Open University, India in partnership with the Global Learning for Development (a pseudonym for an international educational institution promoting distance education for development). The study was informed by both previous and current staff members from the Global Learning for Development organization. The findings of the study revealed that Global Learning for Development organization had begun implementing gender-sensitive policy in program planning through its internal processes of shared responsibility and decision-making. In particular, it has begun to create strategies and practices for actively engaging men in gender-equality discourses within the organization's policy and program planning interventions. However, the research established that in the MBA/MPA program, little attention was being paid to women learners' differing needs and interests. Following the results of the study, the researcher proposed a general gender-sensitive program planning framework for the distance education planning process inspired by the Harvard Analytical and the Moser Frameworks of gender analysis. In each eight steps of the proposed framework, a gender perspective is identified, and the analysis applied to data on the Global Learning for Development's program planning process. The proposed framework should be viewed as a flexible tool. The study not only contributes a gender perspective to program planning theory but it also provides a framework designed to be applied in actual practice. In addition to the proposed framework, the study recommends further research focused on improving the current practice in program planning are offered. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

Since the early 1980's, the Punjab state of India has been in turmoil as a result of a separatist movement that developed among elements of the Sikh community. Political tensions not only characterized the relationship between the Punjab and New Delhi/ but also between Sikhs and Hindus and among different segments within the Sikh community itself. The most important attempt to end the conflict in the state has been the Rajiv Gandhi-Sant Longowal Accord signed on July 24, 1985. However, the Accord failed and by mid-1987 the Punjab was once again racked by political violence. This thesis focuses on the events that led to the signing of the Accord and the forces that caused its demise. Bargaining theory provides the general theoretical framework against which the data are analyzed. This thesis highlights the fact that political bargains in Third World weakly-institutionalized states are often the result of particular configurations of political power which are short lived. The corollary of this is that once the configuration of political forces changes, the chances of success for the previously reached political bargain are weakened. In the particular case of the Punjab Accord, there was a change, beginning in late 1985, in the relative political power of the participants in the bargain. Also, the terms of the bargained Accord unleashed forces on both sides which undermined its implementation. Third World leaders should draw two major lessons from this. First, they should be careful not to have exaggerated perceptions of their power since this may be counterproductive in the future if they cannot deliver what they have promised. Second, these leaders should attempt to consult all interests with a stake in the bargained settlement as a way to prevent opposition to it. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This study is concerned with the effect of India's state of emergency 1975-77, on the operation of the Indian Constitution. Although the state of emergency of June 26, 1975 was invoked under Article 352 of the Constitution, it represented an important break in India's constitutional and political development since 1947. Prior to 1975, India was referred to both at home and abroad as the "world's largest democracy." Her political and constitutional stability were often contrasted with other Asian and African countries where constitutional governments collapsed. During the state of emergency the government of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi proposed and passed certain amendments to the Indian Constitution. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the reasons for this constitutional revision and the nature of the amendments. The constitutional and political implications of the amendments are analyzed for political parties, government-opposition relations, executive, legislative and judicial powers, individual rights, economic and social reform and federalism. A detailed account is given of the constitutional revision debate within the Congress Party and between the government and opposition parties. In particular, the recommendations of the Swaran Singh Committee are analyzed. In examining the viability of constitutional government in India it is hypothesized that the Indian Constitution, as adopted on January 26, 1950, contained contradictions between its liberal democratic provisions and its emergency powers. These broad emergency powers proved antithetical to constitutional government. It is further hypothesized that the maintenance of constitutional government requires a consensus between the government and the opposition parties as to the rules of the constitutional and political system. In developing these hypotheses Kothari's model of one-party dominance and the Marxist model of class conflict are utilized. Finally, the hypotheses of the paper and the two models are reexamined in the light of the emergency period and of the constitutional and political changes that occurred under it. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This dissertation aims to describe a contemporary Muslim subjectivity as it is formed in response to globalization, universalism and secularism. The central theoretical focus is Jean-Luc Nancy’s deconstruction of Christianity, and its claim that secularism and globalization are connected to the internal form of monotheism. Where Nancy accords a special privilege to Christianity as the most autodeconstructive of the Abrahamic faiths, he also sees it losing its specific contours, as it becomes the naturalized form of the world through globalization. I set this thesis alongside narrative descriptions of my own experience as a cosmopolitan artist, theorist and traveller, to discover to what extent Nancy’s philosophy can satisfactorily account for a Muslim experience. Talal Asad’s examination of the complex genealogies of secularism, and his strong refusal of any necessary historical link between Christianity and modern secularism are contrasted with Nancy’s use of the term. Since both Asad and Nancy refer repeatedly if unsystematically to Wittgenstein, I show how his thinking on culture and religion informs the two very different thinkers. I proceed by examining four different histories of the idea of ‘universalism’ in contemporary philosophy: in the writings of Judith Butler on Hegel, Alain Badiou on Paul the Apostle, Akeel Bilgrami on Gandhi, and Louis Massignon on al-Hallaj. A recurrent motif within Christian universalism is Paul’s distinction between ‘circumcision of the heart’ and ‘circumcision of the flesh’, which I examine in Badiou’s philosophy and in the context of my own Muslim experience. I then examine the roots of a certain identity struggle in modern and contemporary art from Pakistan, linked to its emergence as a country founded in the name of Islam, but with the forms and traditions of 19th century European liberalism as well. Through a reading of one of my own art works as well as those of some of my contemporaries, I illustrate and expand on the nature of this conflicted identity. Finally, I suggest a rereading of Nancy that might incorporate Asad’s critique, and allows the possibility of rehabilitating ‘exoticism’ as a model of global encounter.