碩士 / 國立屏東教育大學 / 中國語文學系碩士班 / 95 / Song Dynasty is no doubt the second fruitfulness in history, no matter in quality or quantity. Moreover, “The Free and Happy wondering.” is the pith of Zhuang-zi. From it, Zhuang School can appreciate his experience to their heart’s content. In such case, we report on “The Beginning and the Development of The Free and Happy wondering.” This paper comprise of six chapters. I. The first chapter, “Introduction”: mainly to indicate the purpose and motivation of the research; construction of the thesis, and literature survey. The author wants to point out the paper orientation through the process and gain the clues of trying to fathom his idea. II. The second chapter, “The Development from earlier Chin dynasty to Song dynasty”: its main theme is to briefly define Zhuang School in history and how they achieve their top with the times. III. The third chapter, “The interpretation of The Free and Happy wondering by Xiang-Guo”: As we all know, Zhuang School reached the apex in Wei-Gin Dynasty, and among them all, the most famous interpreter are Xiang and Guo, who become the influential people in Zhuang School. IV. The fourth chapter,” The Beginning and the Development of Bei-Song Dynasty” : We study the work and thinking of Lv hui-qing and Wang-pang by their thesis location and others’ comment upon them, and then come to a new conclusion of “The Free and Happy wondering” V. The fifth chapter,” The Beginning and the Development of Nan-Song Dynasty” : We study the work and thinking of Lin xi-yi and Chu buo-xiu by their thesis location and others’ comment upon them, and then come to another conclusion of “The Free and Happy wondering” VI. The “ Conclusion” : we summarize the different interpretation of Xian and Guo’s; Bei-Song and Nan song’s; Confuses’ and Dao’s and consolidate and systematized their thinking. After all, one cannot make big waves by always following up the ancient wisdom. Though Xiang and Guo are the important reference of all times, the later period, however; wants to find another road to express themselves. Like the sayings “ I want the culture of all the lands to be blown about my house as freely as possible “(Mahatma Gandhi, Indian philosopher and Statesman) Therefore, they reached the second peak in. history in Zhaung School .

碩士 / 靜宜大學 / 英國語文學系 / 99 / Thesis Title: Dharma/Adharma in the Satire of Salman Rushdie’s Midnight’s Children Graduate Program of the Department of English Language, Literature and Linguistics, Providence University 99th School Year An Abstract of a Thesis for the Degree of Master of Arts Graduate: Ally Shu-Ying Hung Advisor: Prof. Patricia Haseltine, Ph. D. Key words: Salman Rushdie, Midnight’s Children, satire, Hinduism, dharma, adharma Abstract This thesis reads the problem of Hindu dharma/adharma in twentieth-century India as addressed in the satire of Salman Rushdie’s Midnight’s Children. Rushdie’s juxtaposition of the past and the present embodies a multiplicity of social-political phenomena that bring up the conflict between modernity and the traditional mores associated with Hindu dharma. In Hindu tradition, dharma means the omnipresent law that sustains the order and welfare of God’s creation; however, in post-independent India the traditional Brahman concepts of self-identity are threatened by the effects of modernity. The incongruity of self-identity echoes in adharma through people’s non-performance or deviations from their caste obligations. The situations of adharma in this novel undermine the desirability of dharma and even criticize the continuation of Hindu traditions in twentieth-century India. Thereby, the satire of Midnight’s Children leads readers into a perception of social transitions and a struggle for self-identity, and present Rushdie’s gloomy outlook on the future of the traditional Hindu values in the modern India. Chapter One discusses the autobiographic narration of Saleem Sinai in which the unreliability and fragmentation not only construct a hybridization of Indian history, Hindu mythology, and Rushdie’s memory of homeland, but also make the novel a twentieth-century fictional satire revealing the problem of maintaining Hindu dharmic principles and values in post-independent India. Chapter Two focuses on the analysis of satirical conventions in terms of Saleem’s distortion of history and his disposal of reality. It explores the relationship between caste dharma and the conception of self-identity in contrast to the instances of adharma in the novel. Chapter Three investigates the female struggles with the rules of dharma and proper womanhood in domesticity, marriage, and motherhood; the presentation of adharma thereby highlights women’s importance and value for preserving Indian traditions in twentieth-century India. Chapter Four analyzes the situations of adharma in male characters’ divergence from the traditional Hindu conception of family relationship; in particular, how Rushdie deals with the mother-son relationships and satirizes the political scheme of the State of the Emergency carried out by the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and her son. In conclusion, through the approach of satire the Hindu dharma is questioned by its desirability of maintaining the order in the post-independent Indian society on the issues of overpopulation, property, religious conflicts and language differences.

Shah Bano was a seventy-three year old Indian Muslim divorcee who successfully sued her ex-husband for maintenance. Her husband, an advocate by profession, appealed the verdict all the way to the Supreme Court of India. In April 1985, after a ten year legal battle, the Supreme Court decided in favour of Shah Bano. The decision provoked massive demonstrations. Muslim fundamentalists protested the Court's interference in Muslim personal law, and Hindu fundamentalists organized anti-Muslim rallies to celebrate the decision and to protest Muslim backwardness. The political backlash from the decision prompted the government of Rajiv Gandhi, who had initially supported the Supreme Court decision, to do an about face on the issue. Almost a year after the controversy began, the Prime Minister introduced a bill into Parliament, the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Bill 1986, that effectively reversed the decision. This bill proved to one of the most unpopular bills the Prime Minister ever introduced, and it cost him important support even within his own party. Why did the rights of the Muslim minority conflict with the rights of Muslim women in the Shah Bano case? How could the conflict have been better resolved? In order to answer these questions, this thesis explores the theoretical literature on conflicts between gender and minority rights. I argue that, as it stands, the theory contributes little to an understanding of Shah Bano and other conflicts between gender and minority rights. This thesis draws on the example of Shah Bano in order to begin to fill the theoretical gap. The problem in the Shah Bano case was that Muslim demands for autonomy in regard to Muslim personal law conflicted with the concern of some women's groups that autonomy for Muslims would deprive Muslim women of even the most minimal legal protection. The issue was which group would have the final word on reforming Muslim personal law. Women's groups demanded that the government not relinquish its ability to pursue the goal of sexual equality for Muslim women. Simultaneously, Muslims demanded control over any reform of the personal law. Shah Bano is an example of one of the most complex problems that arises in regard to minority rights: what to do when granting autonomy to minorities threatens to exacerbate the situation of groups that are systematically oppressed within the minority culture. How is it possible to grant autonomy to a minority without depriving minority women of the legal protection they would otherwise have enjoyed? In this thesis I propose that some protection for women's rights could be obtained by requiring that institutions that represent the minority group must include a significant number of women representatives in order to be officially recognized by the State. I then briefly examine this proposal as a possible solution to the Shah Bano case, and consider a few practical obstacles to implementing the proposal.

The growth-based neoclassical economic paradigm, which is being adopted by virtually all countries as a development model, has created enormous wealth for some. Yet, more than a billion people still live in absolute poverty, and the disparity between the rich and the poor, both within and between countries, is growing. As well, the Earth's ecosystems, the ones on which humans and countless other species depend for life, are becoming severely stressed and sometimes irreversibly damaged, a clear testimony to our unsustainable behavior as a species. The global population is increasing by some 80 million per year, and with this expansion comes a rise in material and energy demands. Although the Ecological Footprint of the affluent countries alone is already larger than the planet, economists are counting on another round of economic growth to alleviate poverty, protect the "environment" and improve quality of life everywhere. This raises questions as to what lies ahead for low-income countries, and what kind of future awaits our planet. The challenge of development today is to improve quality of life, especially for those who need it most, within the carrying capacity of the planet. Thus, the purpose of this thesis is to expose the weaknesses of neoclassical economics, and to propose self-reliance as a development strategy, particularly for low-income countries, as a means to address today's ecological and socio-economic reality. The concept of self-reliance is based on ecological economics, a more equitable and ecologically sensitive development paradigm that leads to sustainable development. Self-reliance is discussed with special emphasis on self-sufficiency in food, water and energy. Self-reliance is measured against the two extremes, self-sufficiency at one end of the spectrum, and interdependence at the other. Mahatma Gandhi's philosophy of swadeshi illustrates how adopting self-reliance as a way of life can solidify the bonds within a community, and can improve the citizens' overall well-being. Two policy tools are proposed that will help society to become more self-reliant: ecological tax reform, and the closing of the "ecological loop". The southern Indian state, Kerala, demonstrates that it is possible to enjoy a high quality of life without high rates of growth and consumption of resources. But because the State is currently facing some development challenges, it is shown how a policy of self-reliance may solve some of its problems.

<p> The Sino-Indian relationship marked by mutual mistrust for the last six decades has seen definitive changes since the late 1980s. Though considerable issues remain unresolved, the two have begun establishing mechanisms to establish a certain level of trust that began with the visit of Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi to Beijing in 1988. The paper analyzes recent literature on this relationship and finds them predicting two outcomes primarily - either one where India admits Chinese supremacy and kowtows to it, or one that foresees increased clashes between the two. Neither outcome takes into account the complex association that the two nations are building guided by a series of frameworks, mechanisms and agreements. This paper posits that in the evolutionary arc of interstate relations, Sino-Indian relations have not reached a point where only one of the two options - cooperation and competition, will be chosen. This paper argues that economic interests of the two rising powers is behind the present behavior where the two are courting each other but at the same time, preparing for the other's rise. Both countries consider their economic identity to be primary and do not want to be distracted from the key national goal of economic development. They are particularly careful that their disagreements with each other do not come in the way of this goal. The paper analyzes the various frameworks and suggests that they are created with this end in consideration. Both India and China aim to continue collaboration in economic matters bilaterally or in international issues of mutual interest even when they don't see eye to eye on disputes left over from history. It is likely that competition will at times get the better of cooperation, driven by factors like strategic influence in the neighborhood, finding newer providers of energy as well as markets for their goods and services. But periodic flare-ups notwithstanding, in the absence of serious provocations, the two countries will avoid clashes that can escalate. The paper also analyzes certain black-swan events that might disturb the balancing act. Incidents like the death of the Dalai Lama creating a vacuum within the Tibetan leadership is one such scenario; a terrorist attack on India planned and executed form Pakistan like the one in Mumbai in 2008 is another. However, the presence of multiple bilateral platforms will continue to automatically insulate alternate channels of communication even in these situations. In conclusion, the paper suggests that as they grow, India and China will continue to engage each other at several levels, competing and cooperation, deterring and reassuring each other at once.</p>

This thesis explores the complexities of an emergent feminist consciousness among Maharashtrian women in the context of the socio-religious reform movements in late nineteenth century and early twentieth century India. It analyses how self- assertion was articulated through a gendered critique of Hindu religion and society. In constant interaction and at times in tension with the text-based colonial and indigenous discourses, their ideology it is argued was informed by experience. Critical of Eurocentric models of feminism, this study adopts alternative methods of reading and defining colonial women's perceptions and protests. Thus, the study takes as its starting- point the view of the Maharashtrian woman herself as she engages with the state and Indian men. In the first chapter the attempts of female converts to Christianity in negotiating with the changing world around them is studied. Christian women's pioneering welfare schemes are studied in detail showing how their feminist critiques and alternative lifestyles provided inspiration to women of their time. It is argued that their feminism was a result of their analysis of Hinduism and ultimate rejection of it. How Hindu women gained partial autonomy is studied through their separate female institution building programmes. However, it is argued that Hindu women's critique of Indian society and Hinduism and their action was constrained by their decision to stay within the Hindu structures. In the third and fourth chapters on women's resistance various individual and collective forms of dissent by women against the state and Indian males are outlined which primarily point to survival issues being the core of resistance. A case-study of infanticide in chapter four shows women resisting cultural practices like the ban on widow-remarriage. In the last two chapters, a study of the movement for higher education of females, legislation on restitution of conjugal rights, divorce and the age of consent is undertaken. While it demonstrates the participation of women in popular protest movements of the nineteenth century it also reveals a great divergence in the precepts and practices of the state and Indian men highlighting their unwillingness to hand over decision-making processes to women over gender-related issues. The thesis concludes by attributing the fruition in feminist consciousness of women to a selective appropriation of dominant discourses of the time, namely those of the missionary, religious revivalist, orientalist and reformist. Finally, it is suggested that women themselves chose to join the nationalist politics of early twentieth century rather than being led into it by influential leaders like Gandhi.

Shah Bano was a seventy-three year old Indian Muslim divorcee who successfully sued her ex-husband for maintenance. Her husband, an advocate by profession, appealed the verdict all the way to the Supreme Court of India. In April 1985, after a ten year legal battle, the Supreme Court decided in favour of Shah Bano. The decision provoked massive demonstrations. Muslim fundamentalists protested the Court's interference in Muslim personal law, and Hindu fundamentalists organized anti-Muslim rallies to celebrate the decision and to protest Muslim backwardness. The political backlash from the decision prompted the government of Rajiv Gandhi, who had initially supported the Supreme Court decision, to do an about face on the issue. Almost a year after the controversy began, the Prime Minister introduced a bill into Parliament, the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Bill 1986, that effectively reversed the decision. This bill proved to one of the most unpopular bills the Prime Minister ever introduced, and it cost him important support even within his own party. Why did the rights of the Muslim minority conflict with the rights of Muslim women in the Shah Bano case? How could the conflict have been better resolved? In order to answer these questions, this thesis explores the theoretical literature on conflicts between gender and minority rights. I argue that, as it stands, the theory contributes little to an understanding of Shah Bano and other conflicts between gender and minority rights. This thesis draws on the example of Shah Bano in order to begin to fill the theoretical gap. The problem in the Shah Bano case was that Muslim demands for autonomy in regard to Muslim personal law conflicted with the concern of some women's groups that autonomy for Muslims would deprive Muslim women of even the most minimal legal protection. The issue was which group would have the final word on reforming Muslim personal law. Women's groups demanded that the government not relinquish its ability to pursue the goal of sexual equality for Muslim women. Simultaneously, Muslims demanded control over any reform of the personal law. Shah Bano is an example of one of the most complex problems that arises in regard to minority rights: what to do when granting autonomy to minorities threatens to exacerbate the situation of groups that are systematically oppressed within the minority culture. How is it possible to grant autonomy to a minority without depriving minority women of the legal protection they would otherwise have enjoyed? In this thesis I propose that some protection for women's rights could be obtained by requiring that institutions that represent the minority group must include a significant number of women representatives in order to be officially recognized by the State. I then briefly examine this proposal as a possible solution to the Shah Bano case, and consider a few practical obstacles to implementing the proposal. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The growth-based neoclassical economic paradigm, which is being adopted by virtually all countries as a development model, has created enormous wealth for some. Yet, more than a billion people still live in absolute poverty, and the disparity between the rich and the poor, both within and between countries, is growing. As well, the Earth's ecosystems, the ones on which humans and countless other species depend for life, are becoming severely stressed and sometimes irreversibly damaged, a clear testimony to our unsustainable behavior as a species. The global population is increasing by some 80 million per year, and with this expansion comes a rise in material and energy demands. Although the Ecological Footprint of the affluent countries alone is already larger than the planet, economists are counting on another round of economic growth to alleviate poverty, protect the "environment" and improve quality of life everywhere. This raises questions as to what lies ahead for low-income countries, and what kind of future awaits our planet. The challenge of development today is to improve quality of life, especially for those who need it most, within the carrying capacity of the planet. Thus, the purpose of this thesis is to expose the weaknesses of neoclassical economics, and to propose self-reliance as a development strategy, particularly for low-income countries, as a means to address today's ecological and socio-economic reality. The concept of self-reliance is based on ecological economics, a more equitable and ecologically sensitive development paradigm that leads to sustainable development. Self-reliance is discussed with special emphasis on self-sufficiency in food, water and energy. Self-reliance is measured against the two extremes, self-sufficiency at one end of the spectrum, and interdependence at the other. Mahatma Gandhi's philosophy of swadeshi illustrates how adopting self-reliance as a way of life can solidify the bonds within a community, and can improve the citizens' overall well-being. Two policy tools are proposed that will help society to become more self-reliant: ecological tax reform, and the closing of the "ecological loop". The southern Indian state, Kerala, demonstrates that it is possible to enjoy a high quality of life without high rates of growth and consumption of resources. But because the State is currently facing some development challenges, it is shown how a policy of self-reliance may solve some of its problems. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

This thesis is a collection of four stories. All the stories are set in India and have women characters as the main protagonists. The stories are about ordinary lives that are neither particularly admirable nor particularly depraved, but all the characters live through and survive experiences that change and haunt them forever. A Vision of the Mahatma is the story of a marriage between Roshini, a young woman, who does not have an inner vision about her place or purpose in this world, and John who claims to have had a vision of Mahatma Gandhi which changes the focus of his life. John wants to give up job and wife in the pursuit of a solution to India's problem of widespread poverty. Their moral power struggle ends when John gently but stubbornly insists on setting up an ashram in rural India leaving Roshini to face a future that promises to be bleak. Five Hundred Acres of Rubber is the story of Asha, a woman, who finds her life in rural India dreary and monotonous. She yearns for life in a city, is fascinated by America and believes that her salvation lies in an arranged marriage to someone/anyone with a job in USA. Asha's family has its share of pain and cruelty, love and loneliness, security and insecurity, and it is against this backdrop that the process of arranging Asha's marriage takes place. Nectar of Kochi is the story of a young girl who is growing up as an only child of devoted but rather insensitive parents in a Indian city. The conflict in this story moves and shifts from one between the narrator and her father who is over-ambitious for her, to one between the narrator and her mother. The narrator observes her mother's adultery even while she, as an adolescent, is growing into sexual awareness. In Nice Virgin Girl another young protagonist is terrified to discover herself pregnant. The fifteen-year old Angelique is torn between several things – between wanting to keep her baby and the shame of revealing her pregnancy, between constantly squabbling parents, and between the traditional Indian culture and the global culture that she accesses through Television. Angelique's mother forces an abortion on her, and Angelique is devastated when she learns that her boyfriend approves of the abortion. The story ends with her realizing that there are unforgivable things in the world just as there are irreversible actions -- like pregnancy and abortion. / A Thesis submitted to the Department of English in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in English. / Fall Semester, 2002. / August 30, 2002. / Stories, Vision, Mahatma / Includes bibliographical references. / Janet Burroway, Professor Directing Thesis; Wendy Bishop, Committee Member; Hunt Hawkins, Committee Member.

The central question in this thesis is what are the interrelationships between the news media and those at the center of power and how do these shape the role the media play in democratic processes, particularly since neoliberal reforms in 1991. More specifically, this research attempts to illuminate journalistic practice and the factors that influence it, at the intersection of political and economic interests in what is often described as a crony capitalist polity (Kohli, 2007; Varshney, 2000). This has been done by examining three case studies that represented the interests of those at the center of power and the growing collusion between the state and private capital that has been a mark of the polity's neoliberal turn (Chandrashekhar, 2014). Each of these - the Nira Radia conversations that exposed the nexus between private capital and the state, the news media's coverage of the political elite, mainly the Gandhi family and the leader of the Hindu majoritarian political party Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Narendra Modi, and lastly, the media's coverage of India's richest business house Reliance Industries Limited (RIL) and its owner Mukesh Ambani - was marked by extensive self-censorship by the national mainstream news media. The theoretical architecture underpinning this project draws on three major approaches - political economy, field theory and new institutional theory provides a framework sufficiently sensitive to the range of pressures and influences journalism is subject to. This research draws on forty semi-structured, in-depth interviews with forty journalists and editors who were directly involved in the editorial processes of each of these news stories. The salient finding of this project is that the field of journalism has been subject to regular incursions from the field of power, particularly when political and economic interests are aligned, such that the field of journalism collapses in the field of power resulting in the need to reassess Bourdieu's claim that fields, however heteronomous, possess a degree of autonomy. This research finds that journalism is not merely embedded in the field of power, it plays a more pernicious role after economic liberalization. It becomes an active participant in negotiating and consolidating the dominant coalition of economic and political interests on which the polity rests. In other words, it is recruited by the field of power in institutionalizing crony capitalism. However, the self-censorship could not be sustained and unraveled, albeit briefly, in each of these cases. Contradictions between the macro forces induced by the consolidation of democracy, dissensus within the elite and constitutional limits circumscribing power are some of the variables that allow for interstices of journalistic autonomy. Thus, new institutionalism's insistence on retaining the political elided by both political economy and field theory, is valuable. Lastly, this research foregrounds the role played by journalistic agency in upholding the democratic mission of journalism.