This research explores the visibility of women physicians, specifically in gynecology and obstetrics. It focuses upon their perspectives of gender inequity and sexual harassment within their broader profession and individual daily workplace. This study explores the medical and STEM women’s awareness and understanding of sexual and gender microaggressions within their professions by interviewing six women physicians. I analyze these narratives in relation to the #MeToo movement and how this movement gives visibility to the voices of women across workforces, including medicine, STEM, and other academic areas. This study shows the ongoing need to develop deeper conversations and interventions about women doctors’ experiences with gender discrimination and sexual harassment. This study adds a feminist interdisciplinary discussion of women physicians paving the way for further research across all specialties of medicine where women occupy space. My methods include five telephone and one in-person interviews and review of public statements such as medical professional associations and other public discourses. I analyze the women’s narratives alongside how the #MeToo movement has intervened on behalf of women in medicine. My data showed how the women experienced microaggressions whether they realized it or not. From men in positions of power and written rules within hospitals written by men, women were placed at a disadvantage within the workplace. Further research can be implemented to study the intersectional identities along with gender in medical specialties.

In our current internet-driven society, social media platforms act as the most central tool for communication and social activism. Through my observations of the #MeToo movement, I argue that despite success in visibility, external factors stemming from social media have prevented the movement’s development beyond online platforms. These factors include Slacktivism, the online presence and power of celebrities, and popular feminism and it’s commodification. Considering that the #MeToo movement is ongoing, my observations of the movement thus far aim to answer the question if social media based movements, such as #MeToo, will produce any structural change within and beyond the entertainment industry.

The purpose of this study is that through qualitative interviews research the #metoo movement’s influence. The research questions involves how the #metoo movement in relation to gender differences and power has affected the subjects of the study to think, feel, and act. The method for the study is that through an inductive approach and qualitative interviews, via strategic selection of ten subjects, find an answer to the objective of the study. The results of the study clearly show that the respondents have a positive attitude of the #MeToo movement, but are shocked about the frequency of sexual violations, which emerged via the media, social media, friends and acquaintances. The study shows the different views between men and women on how they value testimonies. The sexual violations #metoo refer to are by the subjects seen as a matter of a social problem concerning men’s behavior, founded in humanity’s origin. All respondents think that the perpetrators alone are responsible for the assaults, while they deem prevention is everyone’s responsibility. The solution that all respondents unanimously suggested was the introduction of education at an early age in school, about desirable behaviors in interpersonal relationships, and the individual's self-determination over their body. / Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att via en empirisk studie undersöka #metoo-rörelsens påverkan. Frågeställningarna rör hur #metoo-rörelsen, i relation till maktbalansen mellan kvinnor och män, påverkar kvinnors och mäns sätt att tänka, känna och agera. Metoden för studien är att med induktiv ansats och kvalitativ intervju via strategiskt urval av tio respondenter söka besvara syftet. Av resultatet för studien framgår med tydlighet hur intervjupersonerna upplever sig positivt inställda till #metoo-rörelsen och dess budskap, men är chockerade över omfattningen av sexuella övergrepp och trakasserier mot kvinnor vilket framkommit via massmedia, sociala medier, vänner och bekanta. Männen och kvinnorna i studien har olika syn på värdering av vittnesbörd. De sexuella överträdelser som #metoo relaterar till ses av intervjupersonerna som ett beteendemässigt samhällsproblem hos män, med grund i människans ursprung. Alla intervjupersoner anser att ansvaret för övergrepp som skett ligger hos förövaren, medan preventivt motarbetande av problematiken ses som ett samhällsansvar på politikernivå såväl som individuell nivå. Den lösning intervjupersonerna samstämmigt föreslog för att motverka de sociala problematik #metoo relaterar till, var införande av utbildning tidigt i skolan om eftersträvansvärda beteenden i mellanmänskliga relationer, och individens egenbestämmande över sin kropp.

White evangelical culture is investigated here regarding the ways that its fundamental theological beliefs propagate and maintain patriarchal assumptions surrounding women. These beliefs further function to legitimate men’s sexual abuse of women and girls. While official theological evangelical beliefs may seem benign, and perhaps commendable to some, a closer examination suggests the mobilization of those beliefs create the foundation for enslavement and destruction of women. The fundamental beliefs undergirding evangelicalism propagate internalized oppression through patriarchal colonialism of women’s bodies, minds, and souls. Tactics of spiritual rape within White evangelical purity culture enact violence, control, and manipulation to appropriate and profit from the sacred power within the spirit of another. My analysis of #ChurchToo tweets demonstrates how formerly-evangelical women exorcize internalized patriarchal identities by reversing patriarchal myths, reclaiming, renaming and becoming Holy Haggard Hags who enact Righteous Fury through the Rage of Dreadful Women. Through the process of renaming and reclaiming, the confiscated and distorted power of the four Great Hags of Our Hidden History are recovered. The Myth of Evil Eve becomes “Ezer Kěnegdô,” Bathsheba the Innocent Lamb dethrones King David, Jezebel returns as a Confident, Clever, and Powerful Woman and her Spirit exorcises Satan’s Agents and Devouring Wolves, and Tamar the Trickster reappears as a Prophetess, with gifts to symbolize the collective power of sisterhood. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2021. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

The #MeToo movement was established as a grassroots initiative in Brooklyn by Tarana Burke, as a way to bring awareness to the commonality of sexual violence towards African American women. Despite the awareness brought by the movement, it was virtually not inclusive of men who have experienced sexual violence. This study intends to provide educators an understanding of this phenomenon, as well as provide practitioners, scholars, and organizations supporting gay male rape survivors a qualitative perspective beneficial to enhance support systems in order to foster post-traumatic growth. This study answered questions of how participants described their experience of having been raped; how learning revealed itself during the participants’ journey towards post-traumatic growth; and what factors participants described that helped and/or hindered their ability to manage the experience, learn, and develop towards post-traumatic growth. Six individual in-depth cases are presented; each participating in a two-hour interview. Using Lifelines and Nohl’s (2015) five phase analysis of the unfolding of deep learning over time, this study demonstrated that Transformative Learning revealed itself throughout each of these cases. As described by O’Sullivan et al. (2002), Transformative learning is “[an] experiencing [of] a deep, structural shift in the basic premises of thought, feeling, and actions. It is a shift of consciousness that dramatically and permanently alters our way of being in the world. Such a shift involves our understanding of ourselves and our self-locations; our relationships with other humans and with the natural world; our understanding of relations of power in interlocking structures of class, race, and gender; our body-awareness; our visions of alternative approaches to living; and our sense of the possibilities for social justice and peace and personal joy.” The study provides insight into the various systems and social relationships that help and/or hinder the interviewees’ learning experience, as well as how they managed their lives along the way. Moreover, this study demonstrates that Transformative Learning can take over 20-years, as well as that the process requires recalibration after encountering obstacles as learners journeyed towards post-traumatic growth.

Digital activism is an increasingly popular field in academia. However, scarce attention has been paid to the process of cultural and political mediation that have shaped different examples of the contents of digital activism as well as the character of actors who collectively utilize this instrument and also personally respond to the specific context in which digital activism emerges and evolves. This study investigates the #MeToo movement in the context of China as a concrete example of digital activism in a manner that ascribes attention to both digital technologies and activist practices. With regard to the practices of social movement, this study aims to capture the discursive processes that enable different actors to be recognized and make sense of themselves in public in the #MeToo movement in China. From the digital perspective, this study attempts to identify the characteristics of activists who participated in China's #MeToo movement. This study combined content analysis and discourse analysis with social network analysis to analyze the process and discourses on the #Metoo movement in China and examined the characteristics of actors who contributed to the promotion of the #MeToo movement on a networked public space. Following the three-stage model of social drama, five themes were identified in the narrative form of China's version of the #MeToo movement. This study also found that advocates and opponents of the #MeToo movement achieved their narrative agencies through the intersection of gender, sexuality, class, and culture in the Chinese sociocultural context. Finally, this study revealed that the expressive repertoires manifested in the reposting network of China's #MeToo and testified that homophily could exist between pairs of Weibo users along with similar attributes including gender, location, and engagement

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In the wake of the #MeToo movement, how society responds to sexual misconduct allegations has greatly changed. It has had an effect on policy from the federal to the organizational level. Looking at overarching changes that came about after the movement is one thing but taking a look at consequences brought upon certain individuals who had allegations put against them is another. This thesis explores public relations (PR) strategies executed by prominent individuals in the film industry and their publicity teams following sexual misconduct accusations. PR at its core is about relationship management. So, this line of thought leads one to believe that college-aged students are more willing to forgive prominent figures for alleged problematic actions if the individual had a higher investment in their relationship management practices. Four case studies of actors and directors who had misconduct allegations brought against them during the peak of the #MeToo movement were analyzed and compared based on how their reputation stands today. This is important because the consequences faced by these individuals can be greatly influenced by perception and not the analysis of the actual situation. The findings of this study showed that with greater awareness of the actual claims put against a person, the more likely college-aged people are to perceive individuals negatively.

Bakgrund: Enligt WHO har en tredjedel av alla unga kvinnor rapporterat att deras första sexuella möte skett genom tvång. Under 2018 var det 22 500 sexualbrott som anmäldes i Sverige. Sexuellt våld mot unga kvinnor kan få långvariga konsekvenser i form av försämrad fysisk- och mental hälsa. MeToo-rörelsen startade 2017 och beskrivs som ett globalt upprop mot sexuella trakasserier och övergrepp mot kvinnor. Syfte: Var att beskriva unga kvinnors uppfattningar om sexuellt våld efter MeToo. Metod: Studien var en tvärsnittsstudie med kvantitativ ansats. Datainsamling gjordes via enkäter som delades ut på en ungdomsmottagning. Enkäten bestod av frågor/påståenden om sexuellt våld och MeToo. Data beskrevs med deskriptiv statistik och analyserades med Chi2 test. Resultat: Totalt svarade 103 unga kvinnor. En majoritet av deltagarna ansåg att sexuellt våld var allt ifrån sexuell förnedring till att någon tar på ditt könsorgan mot din vilja. Det sågs ingen signifikant skillnad mellan bakgrundsfaktorer och uppfattning av sexuellt våld. Majoriteten av deltagarna hade hört talas om MeToo, 97.1% (n=99). Endas ett fåtal av deltagarna (2.1%) ansåg att MeToo förändrat deras sätt att se på sexuellt våld. Av deltagarna var det 35.1% (n=34) som ansåg att det blivit lättare att prata om sexuellt våld efter MeToo. Endast 14.6% (n=14) skulle berätta för ungdomsmottagningen om de blivit utsatta för sexuellt våld. Konklusion: Studien ger en ökad förståelse för unga kvinnors sätt att prata om sexuellt våld samt deras uppfattning om sexuellt våld efter MeToo. Genom att uppmärksamma och prata om sexuellt våld kan det bidra till att tabustämpeln på lång sikt försvinner och att den som blivit utsatt inte ska känna skam eller skuld. / Background: According to WHO a third of all young women has reported that their first sexual encounter happened under duress. In 2018 more than 22 500 sexual offences were registered in Sweden. Sexual violence towards young women may have long-lasting effects such as impaired physical- and mental health. The MeToo movement saw the light of day in 2017 and has been described as a global uprising against sexual harassment and assault on women. Aim: The purpose of this paper was to describe young women’s views on sexual violence after the emergence of the MeToo movement. Method: In this paper a cross-sectional study with a quantitative approach. Data collection was made through questionnaires which was handed out at a youth guidance centre. The questionnaire consisted of questions/assumptions regarding sexual violence and the MeToo movement. The data was then described with descriptive statistics and analysed through a Chi2 test. Result: 103 women in total answered the questionnaire. Everything, from sexual humiliation to someone touching your genitals against you will, was considered an act of sexual violence by a majority of the participants. There were no significant differences when regarding factors, such as, age, lifestyle factors and conception of sexual violence. A majority of the participants had heard about the MeToo movement, 97.1% (n=99). However, only a few of the participants (2.1%) answered that the MeToo movement had changed their views on sexual violence. 35.1% (n=34) of the participating women answered that it has become easier to talk about sexual violence after the emergence of the MeToo movement. Only 14.6% (n=14) of the participants would report an act of sexual violence to the youth guidance centre. Conclusion: This study provides us with a greater understanding on how young women talk about and view sexual violence in the wake of the MeToo movement. In order to break the taboo regarding sexual violence through speaking about it and bringing it to light we might also be able to eliminate the feelings of shame that many victims feel.

Calls to protect Black women have garnered national attention, drawing attention to the axes of racialized and gendered violence that are central to this dissertation project: the intersecting mis/recognition of Black women’s vulnerability and affect within and outside of their own racial communities constrains their possibilities to seek repair and justice for harm. Baltimore community members used social media platforms to call attention to gendered violence, joining movements like Kimberlé Crenshaw’s #SayHerName and Tarana Burke’s #MeToo Movement to address the erasure of violent experiences of Black women and girls; yet the mis/recognition of their affective experiences persists through the societal focus on Black male vulnerability. Through careful ethnographic study with Baltimorean anti-gendered violence activists, Black gendered violence survivors, and Black community healers, this dissertation analyzes how these women and non-binary people mobilize emotions to construct memorial spaces, community-based movements, and their own lives in the midst of pervasive state and interpersonal violence. I investigate the affective and political processes of Black urban place-making, self-making, and memorialization to answer: How do Black women define their own subjectivity at the intersections of antiblack and gendered violence? How does their political mobilization of emotions such as fear and grief transform gendered and racialized understandings of affect? To answer these questions, I use a Black feminist care practice to examine the themes of haunting, violence, home, and care and to conceptualize new analytic tools for writing about violence against Black women. The first chapter of my dissertation undertakes a Black feminist reading of ethnographic interview data, Toni Morrison’s Beloved (1987), and Gayl Jones’s Corregidora (1975), examining themes of reproduction, violence, and slavery’s afterlife that ripple from the novels’ pages to my and my interlocutors’ lives. I locate the haunting inside and outside of the Black female body, and I discuss the particular way that Black trans life illuminates that haunting. In my second chapter, I explore the (im)possibility of gendered Black affect through a Black feminist mapping of the myriad practices Black people use to create home as a transitory, affective, symbolic, and metamorphic place. This chapter employs autoethnography and interlocutor photographs of emotional sites as analytical and methodological tools to answer its driving questions. The third chapter discusses Black gendered memorialization practices for victims of state-sanctioned and interpersonal violence. I develop my conceptualization of imagined (after)life and self power using ethnographic and archival data, using the aftermath of Korryn Gaines’s and Breonna Taylor’s state-sanctioned murders as primary texts. The fourth and final chapter of my dissertation focuses on Black anti-gendered violence activism and its challenges and failures in Baltimore. By examining the lived experiences of Black activist-organizers, I highlight the complexities inherent in the pursuit of Black liberation. Using a Black feminist abolitionist framework, I analyze photographs, art, and poetry from local artist-activists to illustrate how (after)lives of interpersonal violence survivors can be made radical. My analysis of the affective experiences of Black women and nonbinary people in Baltimore and the gendered politics of grievability in Black anti-violence movements ultimately demonstrates how these movements re-entrench white supremacist patriarchal norms that undermine the pursuit of Black liberation. Thus, we must turn to Black feminist abolitionist praxis to achieve liberation for all Black people.