This work applies geopolitical concepts to elucidate how geography, energy, and rivalries among global powers affect the Azeri foreign policy. This research work uses a deductive method of qualitative research and a longitudinal analysis of qualitative variables. This study first reviews the most significant academic works in the field to delineate the framework of Azerbaijani foreign policy. Next, it discusses the geographical features of the Azeri landlocked territory and its influence over foreign policy. Then the study presents how Azerbaijan uses its energy as a leverage tool in its foreign policy. The fourth chapter analyzes the current competition between two global powers, the US and Russia, for influence over Azeri oil and gas resources, seeking to balance the power in the South Caucasus and Central Asian regions. Finally, this research work lists the findings, showing that the Azeri foreign policy is affected by geography, energy, and global power competition variables. The transit states that encircle the landlocked territory of Azerbaijan reduce the Azeri ability to export its energy resources to international markets. The economic and political involvement of foreign companies and states in the Azeri energy industry also reduces the economic and political independence of Azerbaijan. The competition between the US and Russia for influence over the Azeri territory and its energy resources also affects the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. Thus, in order to achieve economic, political, and military stability, Azerbaijan has to be constantly balancing regional and global powers

"The Rescue Plot" examines the battles surrounding the rescue of migrants at sea in the long aftermath of Europe’s 2015 refugee crisis. Challenging the prevailing view of the border as a “field of struggle” between Europe and its outsides, this dissertation proposes the scene of maritime distress in the Mediterranean as a theater for playing out the internal contradictions of Europe itself: the fiscal crisis of the Eurozone; the wavering hegemony of liberal democracy; the radical Left’s search for a revolutionary subject, and migrants’ own elaboration of Europe between the experience of violence and the fantasy of fulfillment. Combining ethnography conducted on board the ships and aircraft of activist collectives rescuing migrants in the sea passage with literary criticism of nautical fiction and archival research into the histories of policing maritime mobility, the chapters of this dissertation develop an alternative history of the refugee crisis in the Mediterranean: not one of humanitarian mass disaster and unbridled state violence, but one of fierce battle waged among states, global capital and the alliances of border-crossers, activists and workers who meet at sea, each in search of their own form of emancipation as it shimmers on the horizon.

This study develops a geographic theory relating to sub-imperial states and resistance to them. The theory is centred on what can be called the government-business-media (GBM) complex, whilst resistance to such states is characterised as counter-imperialist discourses. The theory is applied primarily to South Africa’s (SA’s) interactions with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The aim is to assess the state of SA’s sub-imperialism and evaluate the claim that this sub-imperialism is in crisis. The research findings are based on media material drawn from, and interviews conducted in, Botswana, Zambia and SA. The thesis outlines how sub-imperialism should be regarded as a distinct analytical and theoretical phenomenon. It explores the theoretical context in which the GBM complex and counter-imperialist discourses may be viewed. Using this theoretical framework, the study then traces the historical geographical development of SA’s GBM complex. Building on this, the thesis identifies and examines regional responses and attitudes to SA’s post-apartheid political, business and cultural-media engagement with the region, by analysing counter-imperialist discourses to SA during this period. In order to assess the current state of SA’s sub-imperialism, case studies were taken from the following four areas which cover crucial aspects of SA’s post-apartheid engagement with the region: SA’s parastatal expansion (Eskom); SA’s peacemaking role (Zimbabwe); SA’s state-driven rhetoric of multiculturalism and tolerance (xenophobia); and SA’s hosting of mega-events (2010 Football World Cup). In each of these areas the intended geopolitical and geoeconomic discourses of the GBM complex, and the corresponding responses in the region, are investigated. It is concluded that there is a discrepancy between the intended discourses of the GBM complex and the responses from the region, giving rise to counter-imperialist discourses. These discourses support the claim that SA’s sub-imperialism is in crisis.

Thesis (M.A.)--Brandeis University, 2008. / Title from IR (viewed on May 29, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.

Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral)--Université Paris I (Panthéon-Sorbonne), 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (v. 2, p. 233-270).

This Thesis is titled The Energy Geopolitics of Russia and its main purpose is to analyze the energy geopolitics of Russia and the country's shifting energeopolitical pivot to Asia, especially to China. The Thesis is divided into three respective sections -- a theoretical approach, Russian geopolitics of energy, and one descriptive and exploratory case study. It strives to answer three main research questions considering Russia's shifting energeopolitical pivot, Ukraine crisis, and the development of Russia's foreign policy in regard to her energy geopolitics.

Esta tese discute a consonância (ou mesmo a antecipação) de estudos geográficos e geopolíticos desenvolvidos na Escola Superior de Guerra (ESG) com algumas propostas da política externa brasileira nos dois períodos de maior autonomia: a Política Externa Independente (1961-1964) e a Política Externa do Pragmatismo Responsável e Ecumênico (1974-1979). O levantamento das áreas geográficas e geopolíticas cobertas nesses dois momentos mostra uma perspectiva voltada para os países do Sul, denominados países do Terceiro Mundo no período da Guerra Fria. No currículo da ESG, foram examinados programas de curso e fichas didáticas. Nestes materiais, as propostas de temas (disciplinas) eram divididas por continentes ou região, respondendo à divisão geopolítica do mundo bipolar (Leste x Oeste). Nos dois períodos da política externa brasileira focalizados nesta tese, a abordagem geográfica e geopolítica dos trabalhos da Escola manifestou-se também na atuação da diplomacia. O Brasil se projetava para o Sul, nos estudos da ESG e em sua efetiva política externa. / The aim of this research is to discuss the correspondence (or even the anticipation) of some geographical and geopolitical studies developed at Superior War College (Escola Superior de Guerra ESG) with the proposals of Brazilian Foreign Policy in the course of two periods of relative autonomy: the Independent Foreign Policy (Política Externa Independente, 1961-1964) and the Ecumenic and Responsible Pragmatism Foreign Policy (Política Externa do Pragmatismo Responsável e Ecumênico, 1974-1979). The identification of some geographical and geopolitical areas covered in these two moments shows an orientation toward Southern countries, also known as Third World Countries at the time of the Cold War. Study Programs and Didatic Files were examined within ESG curriculum; in these items, the suggestions of themes (disciplines) were divided by continents or regions, according to the bipolar world geopolitical division (East x West). In the course of the two periods of Brazilian Foreign Policy focused on this thesis, the geographical and geopolitical approach present on ESG themes was also noticed on diplomatic actions. Brazil projected itself toward the South, in ESG studies and in its actual Foreign Policy.

The Arctic—warming at twice the rate of the rest of the planet—is a source of striking imagery of amplified environmental change in our time, and has come to serve as a spatial setting for climate crisis discourse. The recent alterations in the Arctic environment have also been perceived by some observers as an opportunity to expand economic exploitation. Heightened geopolitical interest in the region and its resources, contradicted by calls for the protection of fragile Far North ecosystems, has rendered the Arctic an arena for negotiating human interactions with nature, and for reflecting upon the planetary risks and possibilities associated with the advent and expansion of the Anthropocene—the proposed new epoch in Earth history in which humankind is said to have gained geological agency and become the dominant force over the Earth system. With the Arctic serving as a nexus of crosscutting analytical themes spanning contemporary history (the late twentieth and the early twenty-first century until 2015), this dissertation examines defining characteristics of the Anthropocene and how the concept, which emerged from the Earth system science community, impacts ideas and assumptions in historiography, social sciences and the environmental humanities, including the fields of environmental history, crisis management and security studies, political geography, and science and technology studies (STS). The primary areas of empirical analysis and theoretical investigation encompass constructivist perspectives and temporal conceptions of environmental and climate crisis; the role of science and expertise in performing politics and shaping social discourse; the geopolitical significance of telecoupling—a concept that reflects the interconnectedness of the Anthropocene and supports stakeholder claims across wide spatial scales; and implications of the recent transformation in humankind’s long duration relationship with the natural world. Several dissertation themes were observed in practice at the international science community of Ny-Ålesund on Svalbard, where global change is made visible through a concentration of scientific activity. Ny-Ålesund is furthermore a place of geopolitics, where extra-regional states attempt to enhance their legitimacy as Arctic stakeholders through the performance of scientific research undertakings, participation in governance institutions, and by establishing a physical presence in the Far North. This dissertation concludes that this small and remote community represents an Anthropocene node of global environmental change, Earth system science, emergent global governance, geopolitics, and stakeholder construction in an increasingly telecoupled world.

This dissertation examines the experiences of Latina immigrants in Atlanta, GA in accessing and receiving reproductive healthcare. Although Atlanta is a new destination city for immigrant labor, the state of Georgia has passed anti-immigrant legislation, including a 2011 law that allows local police to check immigrants’ documentation while investigating unrelated violations. This localization of immigration policing heightens immigrants’ risk of detention and deportability. In combination with media discourses of illegality, local immigration policing instills fear in immigrants, which deters them from going out in public in order to perform everyday tasks such as seeing a doctor. Latinas immigrants’ ascribed illegality is not only an issue when trying to access reproductive healthcare, however, but also inflects their interactions with health service providers. Moreover, legal and pragmatic barriers to reproductive healthcare are bound up with ideological notions of Latinas’ reproduction. Drawing from 68 interviews with recent Latina immigrants and immigrant advocates, I detail how experiences of receiving reproductive healthcare foster a “biological citizenship” – which can be defined as the ways in which an individual or group claims inclusion through biological means – that eases Latinas’ outsider status. By enacting biological citizenship through the care of their bodies, which are often viewed and treated as undeserving of care, I contend that undocumented immigrants act politically via one of the few avenues that is open to them, albeit one – the care of the body – that is often overlooked. Additionally, they are creating a bit of security in an overwhelming insecure environment. This research finds that Latina immigrants’ access to reproductive healthcare is impeded not only by anti-immigrant laws and inflammatory discourse, but also by pragmatic issues such as lack of health insurance and language differences. Moreover, legal and pragmatic barriers to reproductive healthcare are bound up with ideological notions of Latinas’ reproduction. For example, Latinas are frequently portrayed as “hyperfertile” in anti-immigrant discourse. Latina immigrants’ reproduction is viewed as threatening to the nation-state and is thus often blatantly or covertly treated to render Latinas as “undeserving” of citizenship and the welfare state. Interestingly, however, in the context of the aging population of the U.S., there are other discourses making their way onto the scene. These discourses reveal that Latina reproduction, though much maligned, was concomitantly viewed as the solution to revitalizing the eroding lower rungs of the U.S. population pyramid. Additionally, political pundits drew on the trope of the hyperfertile Latina immigrant to construct the hopes of an eventual permanent Democratic majority, which would be facilitated by the exponential breeding of Hispanic immigrants. However, this research corroborates 2015 statistics from the Centers of Disease Control that show that Hispanic fertility is steeply declining, thus undermining the demographic and political dreams which relied on tropes of the hyperfertile Latina. This study aims to expand conceptions of citizenship by examining reproductive healthcare as a site where risk is negotiated and borders of membership are both constructed and broken down. The lens of biological citizenship emphasizes the political nature of healthcare access and allows for analyzing Latina immigrants’ everyday experiences with reproductive health as they are shaped by state policies, anti-immigrant legislation, and gendered portrayals of illegality. In doing so, this study complicates healthcare access and draws out both the non-biological determinants and non-biological implications of this access.

第一章導論 第一節全面實施平均地權的意義 第二節全面實施平均地權之經過 第三節全面實施平均地權之方法 第四節規定地價與全面實施平均地權之關係 第二章規定地價之方法 第一節規定地價之緣起及經過 第二飭全面平均地權規定地價之方法 第三章全面平均地權規定地價成果及檢討 第一節全面平均地權規定地價之成果 第二節規定地價之問題 第四章規定地價改進辦法 第一節市價比較法與收益資本還原法之比較 第二節改進規定地價之建議 結論