Cubo-Futurlsm is defined both in terms of the development of Cubist and Futurist styles of painting by the Russian avant-garde artists Liubov Popova, Nadezhda Udaltsova, Olga Rozanova and Ivan Puni between 1912 and 1915, and in terms of the reworking and transformation of' these two movements against the unique Russian cultural background into a new non-objective art after 1915. The Russian artistic and cultural context, including Ouspensky and the fourth dimension and the linguistic theories of the Futurist poets Alexei Kruchenykh and Vellmlr Khlebnikov concerning a transratlona]. language (zaum), played a vital role for a number of artists in their move into non-objective painting and construction. Zaum influenced the reworking of Cubist collage by Malevich, Puni and Rozanova, and the abstract collages and reliefs of Rozanova and Puni are defined as visual equivalents to the new logic "broader than sense" envisaged by zaum. As part of the Russian cultural context, indigenous art forms also acted as possible stimuli for the development of a non-objective painterly style. The abstract potential which artists saw in the icon was exploited by Puni in his non-objective reliefs of 1915-c1919, and the principles of decoration in Islamic Architecture may be seen as an important source for Popova's painterly architectonics of 19 16-18. After 1916, the principles of non-objective painting, established fran an examination of Cubism and Futurism, were applied to tasks of design and the theatre. Puni, Rozanova and Udaitsova designed household and fashion items, and Alexandra Exter and Alexandr Vesnin completed set and costume designs for several productions in the Moscow Kamerny Theatre between 1916 and 1922. In their attempt to articulate a dynamic spatial environment, the principles for these designs derived from earlier Cubo-Futurist experiments in painting.

A study of Christian interpretations of liberalism is important for social theology for two reasons: first, liberalism is the dominant political ideology of modernity, and (especially in the form "liberal democracy") is the most prominent form of public self-definition in the West, its claims often being taken to be self-evidently true. Second, liberalism is historically indebted to Christianity, and the two are susceptible of mutual confusion. A critical theological analysis of liberalism is necessary to ensure the authentically Christian nature of contemporary political theology. This analysis is conducted principally through a discussion of the criticisms of liberalism made by three Christian thinkers of the twentieth century, the American Reinhold Niebuhr (1892-1971), the French Jacques Maritain (1882-1973), and the Canadian George Grant (1918-1988). After an introductory chapter, chapter two presents an interpretation of liberalism, mapping the historical contours and varieties of liberalism from five liberal writers, and elaborating a loose framework of the conceptual structure of liberal thought. Chapter three examines Reinhold Niebuhr's criticisms of liberalism's alleged facile progressivism and optimistic conceptions of human nature and reason, and chapter four looks at George Grant's claim that John Rawls' liberal theory fails to provide the ontological affirmations necessary to defend human beings and liberal values against the dynamics of technology. Jacques Maritain's account of pluralism and the ideal of the secular state, and the contribution he can make to the current debate between liberals and communitarians, are the subjects of chapter five, while chapter six attempts to secure some theological purchase on the issues of Bills of Rights, judicial review, and the constitutional restraint of democratic majorities, with special reference to the British context. In the concluding chapter it is argued that the liberal account of justice is impossible to realize, and that central insights must be borrowed from the Augustinian tradition.

This inquiry into the nature of political powerlessness begins with a definition which posits that Q is politically powerless to the extent that it is unable to promote and defend its interests within authoritative processes of value allocation. Political powerlessness is said to derive from Q's lack of relevant power resources; and from T's exploitation of this deficiency through its exercise of power over Q. Contrary to pluralist assumptions, it is argued that T may exercise political power over Q both within and beyond formal arenas of value allocation: the determining factor is not where political power is exercised, but rather that it prevents Q from satisfying its interests within these authoritative arenas. The above hypotheses are tested for their validity and utility by being applied to the experiences of the post-war agricultural work force in England. In particular, the study asks whether farmworkers' workplace powerlessness, as identified by Howard Newby in 'The Deferential Worker' (Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1979), has been compensated for by their Union's promotion and defence of agricultural workers' occupational interests at the formal, political level. Part One provides a theoretical, historical and descriptive setting for the empirical study. Part Two determines the extent to which the efforts of the Union and of its external political allies to influence the relevant value allocating institutions have resulted in the successful promotion and defence of farmworkers' objective interests. These interests are defined as: earning high wages (Chapter Four); living in housing which is independent from employment (Chapter Five); and ensuring a reasonable standard of occupational health and safety (Chapter Six). The study shows that the farmworkers' Union has been largely unable to compensate for its members' industrial weakness by taking political action. The Union's political powerlessness is attributed chiefly to its lack of relevant power resources; and to its resulting vulnerability to power exercises both within and beyond the formal political arena, all of which have weakened the Union within that arena. It is suggested finally that the Union's recent merger with the Transport and General Workers' Union provides farmworkers with access to new power resources which may allow for greater success in the future promotion of farmworkers' occupational interests.

This study is framed by questions about the wider implications of a belief in Boulez's independent indeterminate aesthetic for divergent trends such as Europeanism vs. Americanism, modernism vs. postmodernism and serial structure vs. non-serial structure. In conclusion it suggests that an ongoing tendency toward historical revisionism in Boulez's texts may be a function of the difficulty in articulating an intentional indeterminate aesthetic in light of the serial inheritance.

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This thesis will trace the development of Conservative ideology in Great Britain between 1906 and 1914. During these years the Conservative party was defeated by the Liberal party on three separate occasions. Many historians believe that this string of electoral contretemps offers convincing evidence that Conservatism, as an evolving pattern of beliefs, was fundamentally unsuited to the political climate of Great Britain at the turn of the century. According to this interpretation of Edwardian Conservatism, it was only the timely onset of war which saved the party from having to come to terms with the democratic impulse of an unfamiliar era. This is a gross exaggeration of the plight of Conservatism before the war, for the party's unwavering commitment to the economic status quo was not in itself a recipe for electoral catastrophe. What may well have turned out to be fatal to the party's well-being was Joseph Chamberlain's Tariff Reform campaign. In 1903 Chamberlain offered the party an all-encompassing creed, a total solution to Britain's problems, both domestic and foreign, and a positive platform to sustain the party in office. Balfour sensed the dangers of a comprehensive ideology that was inherently of its own time. He, and Bonar Law after him, helped to rehabilitate Conservative ideology by limiting its scope and suggesting that Tariff Reform was merely one weapon among many in a large Conservative arsenal.

This study provides an overview of the literature of the Italian-speaking regions of Switzerland. It presents well-known authors but also lesser-known writers who have made an important contribution to the literature of the Ticino and Grigioni cantons. Dating from the 1960s to the present, the corpus bears witness to a remarkable vitality and innovative spirit, which on occasion overflow political borders and find their way into the much larger Italian market. The dynamism of local publishers has contributed to focusing attention on the high quality and importance of the literature produced by Swiss authors writing in Italian. The distinctive character of this literature lies in the unique combination of disparate factors. Italian language, Swiss culture, and European concerns interact with emotional ties to the local communities in a rich social context marked by past misery and a present characterized by advanced capitalism. / The choice of authors is based on the desire to trace the evolution of narrative literature during the last four decades and present a wide range of themes and styles. In addition to the renowned Giovanni Orelli, this study considers the equally important works of writers such as Alberto Nessi, Claudio Nembrini, Anna Felder, Elda Guidinetti, Silvana Lattmann, Ennio Maccagno, among others. Very young writers whose first efforts are shaping the future of Swiss literature in Italian are also examined. / A special chapter is devoted to women writers. The goal is to identify the style and set of themes which distinguish their contribution from that of their colleagues. The study also discusses the importance of their presence on the literary scene after a time, not so far in the past, when women were confined to writing, in dialect, diaries and letters to relatives who had emigrated. / The discussion of the corpus is prefaced by a detailed presentation of the geographical, social and political context which often determines the literary outcome. The importance of this context has also influenced the way in which the texts are approached. The narratives studied reflect and interpret the problems society was facing at a particular time, as well as the intellectual movements that characterize each period. A chronological presentation of each individual author would have fragmented the dynamic background from which his or her works emerge and within which such works must be located. The name of an author will therefore resurface in different contexts when one of his or her works is discussed in connection with the given period or intellectual movement under examination. The literary history of each author, however, can be easily reconstructed through an attentive reading. What emerges at the end of the study is a widened field of knowledge for Italian studies, whose object can no longer be seen to coincide with the literary production within the borders of the Italian state.

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This thesis is a study of some recent issues and arguments in the debate over freedom and determinism. Most of the philosophers whose work I examine are sympathetic to the doctrine known as compatibilism, according to which determinism poses no threat to the freedom of action. / In chapter I, the introduction, I discuss some basic notions and offer a brief survey of the discussion of freedom and determinism between 1930 and 1970. In chapter II, I examine an influential recent attack on the principle that an agent is responsible for his actions only if he could have done otherwise. In chapters III and IV, I discuss the emergence of explanation as a major issue in the free-will debate. In III, I criticize the claim that mechanistic explanations are compatible with intentional ones. I conclude by identifying some major outstanding problems.