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A comparative analysis of political success among dominant fundamentalist religions: Iran, Israel, and the United StatesTaylor, Elizabeth Marie 01 October 2001 (has links)
No description available.
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Political-security risk in the oil and gas industry : the impact of terrorism on risk management and mitigationBlomquist, Lars Borge 04 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: International oil and gas companies are experiencing an increase in terrorist attacks.
After the oil and gas industry became a legitimate target for terrorist groups in the 1990s
the number of attacks have increased yearly, with a spike after the 9/11 attacks. In
today’s interconnected world political risk is not only about the relationship between the
host government and the company. Oil and gas companies may experience risks on a
transnational, national and human security level. Because of this, the success of new
investments often depends on the successful utilization of risk management strategies.
This research study focuses on the importance of political-security risk in the oil and gas
industry. This is a risk-management tool to be used before and during international
operations; it enables companies to be better prepared to deal with risks that may arise.
In January 2013 the oil and gas industry experienced one of its deadliest attacks. The In
Amenas gas facility in Algeria was attack by terrorists and in a four-day siege 40 people
lost their lives. This forced the oil and gas industry to reconsider its focus on security
management. As one of the contractors at the facility, Statoil undertook a thorough
analysis of security at the site as well as of the company´s corporate security risk
management. The report revealed a lack of focus on political-security risk. Accordingly,
the main research question in this study concerns the effect of terrorism on politicalsecurity
risk in the oil and gas industry; it specifically analyzes the In Amenas attack.
The aim of this study is to answer this question along with two sub-questions, which
complement and support the main research question. The first sub-question concerns
the factors that contributed to the attack in In Amenas: why was risk mitigation not
successful? The second sub-question looks at the possibilities for international oil and
gas companies to mitigate the risk of terrorism; or is this a risk that can only be
managed? This study argues that political-security risk has not been used to its full
potential in the oil and gas industry. The oil and gas industry has always focused on site
security, but a broader more holistic approach to risk management has been lacking.
However, as a result of the In Amenas incident, the industry has become more willing to
have a new discussion on security and this has resulted in small changes in the way
companies operate. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Internasionale olie- en gasmaatskappye ondervind ‘n toename in terreur aanvalle. Nadat
die olie en gasindustrie ‘n wettige teiken vir tereurgroepe in die 1990s geword het, het
die aantal aanvalle per jaar toegeneem, met ‘n skerp styging na die 9/11 aanvalle. In
vandag se onderling verbonde wêreld hou die politiese risiko nie net verband met die
verhouding tussen die gasregering en die maatskappy nie. Olie- en gasmaatskappye
mag risiko’s op trans-nasionale, nasionale en menslike sekuriteitsvlak ervaar. As gevolg
hiervan maak die sukses van nuwe beleggings dikwels staat op die suksesvolle gebruik
van risiko-bestuur strategieë. Hierdie navorsingstudie fokus op die belang van ‘n
politiese veiligheidsrisiko in die olie en gasindustrie. Hierdie is ‘n risiko-bestuur
gereedskap wat gebruik sal word voor en tydens internasionale operasies; dit stel die
maatskappye in staat om beter voorbereid te wees om die risiko’s wat mag voorkom te
hanteer. In Januarie 2013 het die olie en gasindustrie een van die dodelikste aanvalle
beleef. Die In Amenas olie-aanleg in Algerië is deur terroriste aangeval en tydens ‘n 4
dae lange inval het 40 mense hul lewens verloor. Dit het die olie en gasindustrie
gedwing om hul fokus op veiligheidsbestuur te heroorweeg. As een van die kontrakteur
by die aanleg het Statoil ‘n deeglike ontleding van die sekuriteit by die plek sowel as die
maatskappy se korporatiewe veiligheid risikobestuur onderneem. Die verslag het ‘n
gebrek aan fokus op die politiese veiligheidsrisiko getoon. Die hoof navorsingsvraag in
hierdie studie het betrekking op die effek van terreur op politiese veiligheidsrisiko in die
olie- en gasindustrie; dit ontleed spesifiek die In Amenas aanval. Die doel van hierdie
studie is om hierdie vraag tesame met twee sub-vrae wat die hoof navorsingsvraag
komplimenteer en ondersteun. Die eerste sub-vraag het betrekking op die faktore wat
bygedra het tot die aanval in In Amenas: hoekom was risiko mitigasie onsuksesvol? Die
tweede sub-vraag kyk na die moontlikhede vir internasionale olie- en gasmaatskappye
om die risiko van terreur te versag; of is hierdie ‘n risiko wat slegs bestuur kan word?
Hierdie studie argumeneer dat politiese veiligheidsrisiko nie tot sy volle potensiaal in die
olie en gasindustrie gebruik is nie. Die olie en gasindustrie het altyd gefokus op die
veiligheid van die plek, maar ‘n breër holistiese benadering tot risiko-bestuur het
ontbreek. As gevolg van die In Amenas insident, het die industrie meer gewillig geword
om ‘n nuwe bespreking oor veiligheid te hê en dit het klein veranderinge in die manier
waarop maatskappye opereer tot gevolg gehad.
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Uhlalutyo lwee-akhawunti zopolitiko emzantsi AfrikaDantile, Julius Jabavu Thami 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the effectiveness and inducement of political rhetoric in South African
context. Political discourse has become more significant in South Africa since the sanction
of a democratic political dispensation. This study is motivated by the events occurred as
from 1998, which demand accounts from those implicated.
Comments and reactions pertaining to events such as the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC)-
led land grabbing in BredeII, near Kempton Park, Gauteng; the Youth Day incident -16
June 2001; the ongoing tug-of-war between the ANC and its ally, Congress of South
African Trade Unions (Cosatu) over strategic government policies; and Tony Yengeni's
advertised refutation of getting kickbacks from the 'Arms Deal', have been the main focus
of this study.
These accounts have made it possible to apply Benoit's (1995) integrated image
restoration strategies theory, which he developed from a variety of theories developed to
understanding why certain utterances are made in certain contexts. The fundamental
approach to developing Benoit's integrated theory originates from a constant interest by
linguists and communication theorists in particular, and social psychologists in general, to
understanding the dynamics of politeness in social context.
Chapter 2 of this study presents a theoretical background to the development of politeness
theory. Chapter 3 summarises the development of integrated image restoration strategies
theory in public and social contexts. Chapter 4 deals with the application of Benoit's
integrated image restoration strategies theory through the critical analysis of the abovementioned
accounts from a weekly Internet publication, ANC Today, vol 1, no: 1, 2001,
which serve as a platform for the ANC to counteract the pervasiveness of political scandal
in South African politics. Tony Yengeni's newspaper advertisement was of great interest
as it was the first independent and personally paid public statement by a South African
politician since the new democratic dispensation.
Through the critical analysis of these accounts, it has been found that South African
politicians do make public statements implementing defensive and persuasive strategies in
order to protect or restore their images. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die doeltreffendheid van die uitoefening van politieke retoriek in
die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Politieke diskoers het toenemend meer betekenisvol geword
sedert die invoer van 'n demokratiese bestel. Hierdie studie is gemotiveer deur die
politieke diskoers oor gebeure wat sedert 1998 plaasgevind het, waarvoor die
geïmpliseerde persone verduidelikings moes aanbied.
Kommentaar en response rakende gebeurtenisse soos die Pan-Afrika Kongres
grondbesettings in BredeII, naby Kempton Park, Gauteng; die Jeugdag insident op 16
Junie 2001, die voortgaande dispuut tussen die ANC en sy vennoot, Kongres van Suid-
Afrikaanse Werkers Unie (COSATU) oor strategiese regeringsbeleid; en Tony Yengeni se
ge-adverteerde weerspreking van bevoordeling uit die Wapenkontrakte, vorm die
hooffokus van hierdie studie.
Hierdie verduidelikings is ondersoek deur die toepassing van Benoit (1995) se
geïntegreerde beeld-herstel strategieë teorie, wat ontwikkel het vanuit 'n verskeidenheid
teorieë ontwikkel om te verstaan waarom bepaalde uitinge in bepaalde kontekste gemaak
word. Die grondliggende benadering in die ontwikkeling van Benoit se teorie het as
oorsprong die belangstelling van taalkundiges en kommunikasie-teoretisie in die besonder,
en sosiaal-sielkundiges in die algemeen, om die dinamika te verstaan van beleefdheid in
sosiale konteks.
Hoofstuk 2 van hierdie studie bied die teoretiese agtergrond van die ontwikkeling van
beleefdheidsteorie. Hoofstuk 3 gee 'n opsomming van die ontwikkeling van geïntegreerde
beeld-herstel teorie in openbare en sosiale kontekste. Hoofstuk 4 doen 'n toepassing van
Benoit se beeld-herstel strategieë teorie deur die kritiese analise van die bogenoemde
verduidelikings vanaf die Weeklikse Internet bulletin, 'ANC Today' vol. 1 no. 1, 2001, wat
as 'n mondstuk dien vir die ANC om 'n teenstand te bied teen die algemeenheid van
politieke skandaal in Suid-Afrikaanse politiek. Tony Yengeni se koerantadvertensie het
groot belangstelling uitgelok omdat dit die eerste onafhanklike en persoonlik-betaalde
openbare verklaring was wat deur 'n Suid-Afrikaanse politikus gemaak was sedert die
instellingvan die demokratiese bestel.
Deur die kritiese analise van hierdie verduidelikings is bevind dat Suid-Afrikaanse politici
openbare verklarings maak waarin hulle verdedigende en oorredende strategieë
implementeer ten einde hul beeld te beskerm en te herstel. / USHWANKATHELO : Olu phando luphonononga ukusebenziseka nokukhuthazeka kokusetyenziswa kobuciko
bezopolitiko kwimeko yaseMzantsi Afrika. Idiskhosi yezopolitiko ithande ukubaluleka
eMzantsi Afrika ukusukela ngokumiselwa kwenkqubo yolawulo ngedemokrasi. Olu phando
lukhuthazwe ziziganeko ezenzeke ukusukela ngo-1998 nezinyanzelise ukunikwa kweeakhawunti
ngabo bachaphazelekayo.
lintetho neempendulo ezayamene neziganeko ezinjengokurhwaphilizwa komhlaba
ngabantu abakhokelwe ngamalungu aphambili e-Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) eBredell
ngaseKempton Park, eRhawuntini; isiganeko soSuku loLutsha - 16 Juni 2001;
ukuxambulisana phakathi kwe-African National Congress (ANC) kunye nehlakani layo i-
Congress of South African Trade Union (Cosatu) ngezicwangciso-nkqubo; kunye
nentengiso kaTony Yengeni yokuphika ukufumana izinyobo kuThengo Iwezixhobo, zibe
ngumxholo ophambili wolu phando.
Ezi akhawunti zenze kukwazeke ukusebenzisa ithiyori ehlangeneyo yobugcisa
bokubuyekeza umfanekiso kaBenoit (1995) nayiphuhlise kwiithiyori ezahlukeneyo
ezaphuhliselwa ukuqonda kuba kutheni kusenziwa iintetho ezithile ngokweemeko ezithile.
Esona siseko singumvulandlela ekuphuhlisweni kwale thiyori kaBenoit sivela kumdla
osoloko ukho kwiingcali zolwimi nezonxibelelwano, kunye neesayikholojisti zasekuhlaleni
wokufuna ukuqonda ubuchukubhede ngentlonelo kwimeko yasekuhlaleni.
Isahluko 2 solu phando sinika imvelaphi yethiyori yokuphuhliswa kwethiyori yentlonelo.
Isahluko 3 sishwankathela ukuphuhliswa kwethiyori yobuyekezo lomfanekiso kwimeko
yasesidlangalaleni neyasekuhlaleni. Isahluko 4 sijongene nokusetyenziswa kwethiyori
yobuyekezo lomfanekiso kaBenoit ngohlalutyo Iwee-akhawunti ezixelwe apha ngentla,
nezivela kupapasho Iweveki olukwi-Internet, ANC Today, vol 1, no: 1, 2001 nesebenza
njengeqonga le-ANC lokunika izimvo ngeziganeko namanyundululu ezopolitiko eMzantsi
Afrika. Intengiso kaTony Yengeni kumaphephandaba yatsala amehlo nanjengoko ibe
kokuqala ukwenziwa kwengxelo eloluhlobo ngumpolitiki kweloMzantsi Afrika kweli lixa
ledemokrasi. Ngohlalutyo Iwezi akhawunti, kufumaniseke ukuba abapolitiki boMzantsi Afrika bayazenza
iingxelo neentetho ezisebenzisa ubugcisa bokuzikhusela nobolukuhlo ngeenjongo
zokuzikhusela okanye ukubuyekeza umfanekiso wabo.
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Power relations among actors in development cooperation: patterns, concepts and approaches in a Japanese-assistedteacher training project in CambodiaMaeda, Mitsuko., 前田美子. January 2007 (has links)
published_or_final_version / abstract / Education / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy
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The labor politics of market socialism: a collective action in a global workplace in South ChinaChan, Wai-ling, Jenny, 陳慧玲 January 2006 (has links)
published_or_final_version / abstract / Sociology / Master / Master of Philosophy
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Media for cultural praxis: a case-study of Hong Kong In-MediaTsui, Heung-ling, 徐香玲 January 2009 (has links)
published_or_final_version / Sociology / Master / Master of Philosophy
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Will the English language become the single world language in the 21stcentury?Chang, Kwai-yan., 張葵茵. January 2001 (has links)
published_or_final_version / English Studies / Master / Master of Arts
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The politics of popular culture: a study of aHong Kong comic strip, McMug宮翠棉, Koon, Chui-min. January 2001 (has links)
published_or_final_version / Comparative Literature / Master / Master of Philosophy
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The politics of water in the Southwest: Policy patterns of water elites in Southern California and Arizona.Parsons, William Wesley. January 1990 (has links)
The political patterns of Western water policy are best explained as cooperation among the few, or "elites". The extent of elitism is demonstrated across four eras of Western water policy, the Foundation of Elites (1880s-1920s); the Emergence of Elites (1920s-1930s); the Golden Age of concrete (1930s-1960s); and the Era of Diminishing Returns (1970s- Present). The four phases test for elitism in a three step process. First, California and Arizona water politics serve as case studies to distinguish between elite and non-elite water interests. Second, the magnitude of elite control over Western water policy is tied to the "geopolitical" importance of the Colorado River. Over time Los Angeles' interests have come to dominate water policy in the Southwest. Third, change away from elitism to a more equitable political environment is explored. Alternatives include pluralism, liberalism, and idealism. These options offer insight on how change away from elite politics might effect Western water policy in the nineties.
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Migrant collectives as new twenty-first century transnational movements: the case of the Jamaican Diaspora / Migrant collectives as new 21st century transnational movementsUnknown Date (has links)
In the past two decades the tendency to view migrant communities as victimized, without agency, or oppressed has been challenged by the new rhetoric of "Diaspora". The recent formation of Diaspora movements globally suggests that these groups of migrants are not just financial remitters but are organized, visible collectives that influence the geo-political status quo in many ways. ... Utilizing qualitative methodology in conjunction with the analytical lenses of social movement theory and the rhetoric of movements, the study addresses the gaps in the literature on Diasporas by exploring the factors that contributed to the formation of the Jamaican Diaspora during the years 1962 to 2011. ... Moving even beyond our conceptualization of movements, this study also connects Diasporas to the notion of publics. Migrant communities, like the Jamaican Diaspora, negotiate global and local terrains, operate as self-organized publics and form new public spaces in which a common identity goal and imagination connects and motivates strangers. / by Nadja Johnson. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2012. / Includes bibliography. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / System requirements: Adobe Reader.
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