<p>This dissertation was divided into two parts. In the first part questions of representation and textuality in the discipline of history will be explored with the aim of positing the historical play as productive for the writing of history after apartheid. In the second part it was attempted to specify the implications of this critique for the discipline of history through reading a number of historical narratives and plays together.</p>

<p>This thesis analysed the significance of disputes or conflict in Ghana's industrial realtions since her independence in 1957. It further analysed the causes of industrial conflict and its management or resolution in Ghana in particular. Scholars argue that industrial conflict may not only adversely affect the living standards of both the employers and the employees but may also destabilize the labour market and bring about industrial injustices. The thesis outlines the historical development of Ghana's industrial realtions since independence with special reference to strikes.</p>

<p>The main objective of this study was to examine how the process of decentralization has affected the rendering of essential services in Namibia, through a case study of the Hardap Region. The main aim of this research was to determine the extent to which the objectives of the decentralization policy have been achieved by the Hardap Regional Council. The main objectives of the decentralization policy of the Namibian Government were to extend, enhance and guarantee participatory democracy and to safeguard rapid sustainable development.</p>

The purpose of this dissertation was to investigate whether there was any validity to the argument that select nineteenth century German cultural figures--Johann Fichte, Richard Wagner and Friedrich Nietzsche-were intellectual or spiritual forerunners of National Socialism. Numerous Western writers since the Nazi era have contended that, specifically, these three figures preached, eloquently or vociforously, irrationalism, elitism and nationalism--known Nazi characteristics and thus helped prepare the way for Hitlerism in Germany.Therefore in order to deduce the accuracy of these contentions, this historiographical study examined Vie many works of scholarship and reflection since 1933 that either attacked or defended the role of the three figures within a proto-Nazi contest. A selective bibliography of secondary sources by legitimate writers was gathered and examined and it was deduced that there was no firm intellectual link with the three subjects and Nazism. Those scholars who assailed Fichte, Wagner and Nietzsche usually based their arguments over a Nazi association on a surface level. On other occasions critics simply tore out of context select passages from the works of the three in order to establish a fascist connection. In addition built-in intellectual, ideological or national prejudices by certain scholars helped determine the assignment of the three as Nazi precursors.The totality of their messages was in fact often complex, varied or subtle and their ever-shifting speculative persuasions demonstrated a lack of intellectual continuity. Nonetheless scholars, especially after World War II, have shown the true and often noble meanings of their teachings and have revealed that the differences between the three and Hitler were far greater than the resemblances. Fichte, Wagner and Nietzsche, however, are open to criticism in producing bodies of work that demonstrated inconsistency and emotion-ridden language which mane them vulnerable to exploitation by opportunists like the Nazis.Many scholars have shown then that at best an. indirect association exists between the three cultural figures and National Socialism. Yet this study also has revealed that Fichte, Wagner and Nietzsche continue to be viewed as direct intellectual links with Nazism by various intellectuals to this day.

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Africa's tragedy has at different times been subjected to various paradigm shifts ranging from modernisation to neo-Marxist theories with each paradigm identifying different sources of the tragedy. The tragedy, to some scholars, is rooted to the crisis of development. But to some African scholars, a key aspect to the crisis remains the question of 'which and whose democracy?' The central issue for investigation in this thesis is the efficacy of 'best-practice' political and economic templates prescribed by both liberals and socialists for Africa. These templates appear to be producing hybridised political order that breeds crises of political instability, leadership, economic hardship, violent conflicts etc; with no visible solution in sight. There is therefore a need for the reconstruction of Africa's development strategy with unique models based on a foundation of 'best fit' values nurtured by the indigenous grains of the African societies. The thesis adopts critical theory using textual and contextual analysis as its methodology to engage literature on liberal, popular, social, and socialist democracy. It also engages the Africanist and African debate on democracy to discuss what works contextually in Africa and what does not work. The thesis sets out to establish how neo-communitarianism and speconomy can collectively serve as models for development in the sub-Saharan Africa, that is currently mediated by the alienating role of an incoherent public sphere dominated by representations of foreign ideologies which do not seek to create a common consciousness in all citizens but rather to help maintain and perpetuate a fractured image of the Enlightenment.

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M.A. (History) / Please refer to full text to view abstract