The aim of this study is to investigate and analyze the views that the three metropolitan Swedish newspapers Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet had on the Vietnam issue between 1969 and 1973. The source material consists of clips from Swedish newspapers from press archives at the Department of Government at Uppsala University, which is in the form of microfilm at Umeå University Library. The source material has been studied using quantitative content analysis with qualitative elements.The results shows that there is a difference in the perception of Vietnam issue between, on the one hand, social-democrat Aftonbladet and liberal Dagens Nyheter and conservative Swedish Dagbladet on the other hand, during the whole investigation period. Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter denounced the American war and presence in Vietnam and took a stand for North Vietnam; The United States was regarded as a great power which had goat on a small and poor country. From this perspective, small Nations had the right to independence from the great powers, regardless of social system. The two newspapers regarded the United States as the party to the conflict who did not want to negotiate and instead wanted to continue the war. Svenska Dagbladet regarded the United States instead as the guarantor of freedom and democracy in South-East Asia. The United States would defend South Vietnamese people from Communist North Vietnam, which was regarded as the offending party in the conflict: from this perspective United States deserved thus support. Svenska Dagbladet's view of the conflict was thus marked by the cold war. The newspaper regarded the United States as the party of the conflict who wanted peace and wanted to negotiate, in contrast to North Vietnam.The investigation also shows that Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter supported the Swedish Government, who supported North Vietnam and condemned the American presence in Vietnam; the Government's policy on the other hand, got a harsh criticism from Svenska Dagbladet, that considered that the Government's stance towards the United States would be harmful to the Swedish neutrality policy. Keywords: Vietnam War, Cold War, Swedish press, Social-democratic Party, Liberal Party, Conservative Party, negotiations, Swedish Government, Unites States, Communism

No description available.

The poetry written by combat veterans and other witnesses to the Vietnam War is a testament to what they saw and felt in Southeast Asia. Through their poetry they build 'monuments' to their traumatic experience, piecing together memories in order to heal themselves and teach future generations about the horrors of Vietnam. These poems function in much the same way as the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, D.C., both poem and Memorial requiring the effort of the 'reader' in order to propagate the legacy of the Vietnam War. By bearing witness to the Vietnam experience, the poem and the Vietnam Veterans Memorial facilitate questions; questions through which the reader and the visitor are able to construct their own imaginary monuments to the Vietnam War.

This thesis seeks to contribute to scholarship on the great Swiss theologian, Karl Barth, and to the ongoing discussion of theology and politics by examining Barth's view of war. / There has so far been only one monograph on Barth's view of war: John Howard Yoder's Karl Barth and the Problem of War (1970). Whereas Yoder's work is restricted to Barth's general discussion of war in his Church Dogmatics, and to a partial glance at his response to World War Two (WWII) and the Cold War, this thesis expands and completes the picture by examining Barths, overall theo-ethical framework, and his attitude to World War I. / Pushing a little further into Barth's theology, I start by re-evaluating the significance of Barth's key ethical concept of the Grenzfall ('extreme case')---particularly his use of it in relation to the problem of war. Briefly, rather than being a 'cop-out' clause (Yoder's thesis), the Grenzfall serves as a descriptive, conceptual short-hand for Barth's contextually-engaged, prophetic stance with regard to war. This is shown most clearly in his responses in word and deed to World War One (WWI---ignored by Yoder), WWII and the Cold War. / Following my examination of the Grenzfall, I chart Barth's path through these three situations: No substantial work has previously been done on Barth's response to WWI, largely because much of it is articulated in a series of sermons which have not yet been translated. Uncovering Barth's thought in these sermons---hitherto largely ignored in both dogmatic and ethical scholarship---I compare Barth's early, middle and later responses to concrete, historical wars, and relate these to his use of the Grenzfall in the ethical discussion of his Dogmatics.

This dissertation examines some of the numerous ways in which music can be put to use / Thesis (M.Mus.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2009.

There is no abstract available for this dissertation.

"Reporting Wartime Germany" is a study of the memoirs, diaries, and other works of American journalists who were in Berlin during the early wartime years, 1939-1941. It analyzes their perceptions of the changes which occurred during that important period. Manipulation of politics and political power is discussed, along with growth of resistance to the regime, and the apparent inability of the regime to negotiate with foreigners in good faith. The role of newspapers, periodicals, radio and the motion picture industry as media of propaganda is studied; the system of education, control of religion, and attempts to regulate artistic endeavors are surveyed. Particular attention is paid to the use of literature and art as means of directing the minds of the Berliners. Various forms of culture, including opera and the theater, are analyzed in terms of their importance as a"-form of escape for the Berliners. Other types of entertainment, such as nightclubs, restaurants, and vaudeville, along with spectator sports, are also included. Analysis is offered concerning the immediate loss of such "luxuries" as adequate transportation, liquor, coffee and tea, and cigarettes, the shortage of housing and the rationing of such staples as food and clothing, and the impact these changes in lifestyle had on the Berliners. The gradual change in attitude perceived by the Americans, from acceptance of conditions to fear that the war might be lost, is described. Because of the need to verify the often highly subjective reports of the journalists, there are extensive notes which include references to accounts by others who were in Berlin, either contemporaneously or earlier or later than the first wartime years, and also to significant secondary works. Thus this study presents a broad overview of Berlin during the early wartime years, as seen by foreigners with many different perspectives. The similarities and differences in their perceptions are noted. The discrepancies are stressed, with verifying sources for different viewpoints included in the notes. The conclusion drawn is that the real changes perceived by the Americans occurred in 1933, when the Nazis came to power, and after the summer of 1941 following the beginning of the Russian campaign. More importantly, the study underlines the importance of using and carefully comparing multiple sources for any type of historical inquiry. The study underscores how well-meaning and supposedly objective observers of the same scene can often differ significantly in their perceptions, interpretation, and reporting of specificevents and major trends.

No description available.

Purpose: This work examines the transition in aerial warfare that took place during the Korean War (1950-1953). Before the conflict, air power was conceived of primarily an instrument of unlimited, or total, warfare. Yet Korea, and all subsequent air wars, have been limited. The transitional nature of the Korean air war has not yet been adequately explored by historians. Methods: The story of this shift is presented in two parts, the first examining the doctrines of the United States Air Force (USAF) immediately before the Korean War, the second comparing them to the USAF’s actual campaigns in Korea. This focus on the USAF reflects both its status as the principal air service in Korea and its influence on the theories and doctrines of all air arms in the post-World War Two era. The USAF’s planning immediately before the Korean War focused on its role in a possible total war between the United States and the Soviet Union. It was thus unprepared and ill-equipped for the limited war in Korea and had to improvise its operations there. Findings: The inability of the USAF to conduct an unlimited war in Korea frustrated many Americans, who could not understand the political considerations that limited the conflict, seeing only that the USAF, the world’s most powerful air arm, was prevented from using all of its resources. While the resulting controversy contributed to a change of administration in the United States, it had less of an effect on the USAF. After the Korean War ended, its leadership continued to focus on unlimited war, dismissing the conflict as an aberration from which little about the operation of aircraft in war could be learned. Conclusions: The failure to recognize the lessons of the Korean War has had serious consequences. There have been no total wars since 1945; every air war of the past sixty years has been limited. Limited warfare is defined by restrictions on air power. The USAF and other air arms were slow to adapt to the changing conditions. The Korean War was a more significant event in the history of aerial warfare than is generally appreciated.

This thesis examines the U.S. Army’s GREEN series of war plans from the establishment of the Army General Staff in 1903 until the final update of the plan in 1940. It focuses on the evolution of the plans from their inception until they were declared obsolete. The content of the plans is analyzed in the context of U.S. relations with Mexico and the evolution of the General Staff and U.S. Army war planning. At present, no comprehensive examination of the U.S. Army’s war plans for Mexico exists. Examinations of the U.S. Army’s interaction with Mexico focus almost entirely on the Mexican-American War and the two interventions in 1914 and 1916. This thesis represents the first examination of how the U.S. planned for military interventions in Mexico. The central area of research of this thesis is the U.S. Army’s strategic plans. Each of the editions and revisions of the plan are described and assessed to identify strengths and weaknesses. The plans are analyzed as a series to identify patterns and trends. This examination determined that, while the plans were feasible, they were often disconnected from political reality, and sometimes had significant omissions, most notably in the area of occupation. This thesis is based on primary sources, including the War Department’s strategic plans, records of the War College and War Plans Divisions, and Joint Board records. Secondary sources are used to place War Plan GREEN in the context of U.S.-Mexico relations and the development of the Army General Staff and Army war plans and war planning.