<p> Prior to the addition of Egypt to the imperial state of Rome, the presence and influence of Roman culture in Egypt was not as strong as it was in other regions surrounding the Mediterranean. Under Augustus&rsquo; rule, Egypt was added to Rome&rsquo;s growing empire and the grain which grew so very well along the Nile began to flow out of Egypt towards Rome. Egyptian cities such as Alexandria became entrepots for Rome where trade was centered. This addition to the empire provided larger and different markets of exchange which enabled goods and ideas to be transferred within the cities of Egypt. These goods and ideas permeated the centers of exchange and their surrounding regions. As the influence of Rome grew within the metropoles of Egypt during its imperial reign, the lines which previously categorized and defined the boundaries of ethnicity and identity in the region began to blur.</p><p> In the wake of decolonization, historians have postulated that identity has become less of an absolute within modern empires. Recently there has been an increase of scholarship surrounding the phenomenon of identity in the ancient world, specifically looking at identity within imperial political systems. This work will utilize some aspects of modern imperial theory to attempt to show that identity within Rome&rsquo;s empire was in many ways similar to more modern imperial states. I will be using a variety of primary sources to supplement the secondary academic work I will also utilize. Specifically I will be looking at Imperial decrees, coins, papyrus documents (personal letters, receipts, legal documents, and army discharges), inscriptions, material culture, public spaces, and recent archaeology (funeral arrangements and Roman Mummies). Through looking at and analyzing these primary sources I will attempt to show how identity formation in Roman Egypt was blurred and not set by clear distinctions. The use of multiple differing primary sources and modern imperial theories have not, to my understanding, be attempted thus far. Nor has my claim been argued, that while there was a Romanization of those in Egypt, there was also a slight Egyptianzation of those Romans living in Egypt.</p>

Asclepius was worshipped in over 900 sanctuaries across the Graeco-Roman world. Although the cult had been disseminated across eastern Mediterranean from the 5th century onwards, it was only when the Romans took over the cult that it was dispersed all over the empire to become an empire-wide cult. This thesis looks at the impact of the Roman Empire on the cult, examining how Rome took over the existing cult, the ways in which Rome influenced it, and the relationship between the religion of Empire and local religion. The key questions that this thesis aims to ask are: How did the Roman Empire impact upon the cult of Asclepius? How were global and regional cult identities articulated in response to each other as a result of this impact? How did increased connectivity between areas play an important part in the creation and stimulation of cultic identities? Did Asclepius’ spheres of influence grow or adapt as a result of Roman benefactions? and What were provincial responses to Roman worship and dissemination of the cult? The timeframe for this thesis will be from 27 BC until Severus Alexander’s death in AD 235. Chapter One will introduce the scope of this thesis as well as the general theories which underpin this research. A survey of the cult before the Augustan period will be presented in Chapter Two. Further chapters will each examine a different aspect of the Roman impact on the cult, with the third focussing on imperial influences and the worship of the god by Roman and provincial elites; the fourth on how the Roman army influenced the cult; the fifth how multiple forms of the god were worshipped side-by-side in North Africa.

As the nascent power of Rome grew to dominance over the Mediterranean world in the Middle Republic, they carried out mass killing, mass enslavement, and urban annihilation. In doing so, they showed an intention to destroy other groups, therefore committing genocide. This study looks at the kinds of destruction enacted by Romans between 343 BCE and 146 BCE, using a novel application of definitions and frameworks of analysis from the field of Genocide Studies. It proposes typologies through which the genocidal behaviours of the Romans can be explored and described. Mass killing, enslavement, and urban annihilation normally occurred in the context of siege warfare, when the entire population became legitimate targets. Initial indiscriminate killing could be followed by the enslavement of the survivors and burning of their settlement. While genocide is a valid historiographical tool of analysis, Roman behaviours were distinct from modern patterns of mass killing in lacking a substantial component of racial or ethnic motivation. These phenomena were complex and varied, and the utter destruction of groups not regularly intended. Roman genocidal violence was a normative, but not typical, adaptation of the Romans of the Middle Republic to the ancient anarchic interstate system. In antiquity, there was no international law to govern conflict and international relations, only customs. This study posits that the Roman moral-based custom of fides as an internal preventative regime that inhibited genocide through rituals of submission to Roman hegemony. This process was flawed, and cultural miscommunication risked causing mass violence. Furthermore, the wide discretion of Roman commanders accepting submission could result in them flouting the moral obligation to protect ii surrendered groups. In such cases, attempts at punishment and restitution from other members of the elite were only partially effective.

<p> The human pinworm, <i>Enterobius vermicularis</i>, is an intestinal parasite that is transmitted through close interpersonal contact. Because this parasite is human-specific, pinworm DNA can be used in population genetics studies as a proxy to track the migration patterns of human hosts. At least three genetic haplogroups of the mitochondrial <i>cox1</i> gene have been identified in <i>E. vermicularis</i> pinworms extracted from modern fecal samples. </p><p> This parasite has also been identified morphologically and genetically in preserved fecal material, or coprolites, from numerous archaeological sites. Analyses of Ancestral Pueblo coprolites indicate that the inhabitants of the prehistoric American Southwest experienced particularly high levels of pinworm infection. The Ancestral Pueblo archaeological tradition represents ethnically distinct groups that shared certain cultural features. Prehistoric architecture, material culture, and skeletal remains, in addition to modern genetics and linguistics data, have been used to explore the level of direct contact between Ancestral Pueblo sites and surrounding areas. A comparison of pinworm genetic haplotypes from coprolites provides an additional means of assessing the migratory histories of the Greater American Southwest. </p><p> In this study, genetic fragments of the <i>E. vermicularis</i> mitochondrial <i>cox1</i> gene were isolated from 14 of 43 Ancestral Pueblo coprolites sampled from Antelope House and Antelope Cave in Arizona, from Salmon Ruin in New Mexico, and from Turkey Pen Ruin in Utah. Attempts to amplify pinworm DNA from La Cueva de los Muertos Chiquitos in Durango, Mexico were unsuccessful. Five coprolites from Antelope House generated sufficient genetic coverage of a 268 nucleotide fragment of the <i>cox1</i> gene for phylogenetic analyses. Comparison to modern genetic haplogroups indicates the presence of a unique haplotype of pinworm mitochondrial <i>cox1</i> gene in the prehistoric New World, haplogroup D.</p><p>

This thesis examines the cultural, religious and therapeutic functions of Roman baths and bathing during Late Antiquity, as they are presented in a wide range of primary literary sources, and the way in which they are addressed in current research. The chronological scope of the work stretches from the late 3rd to the early 7th century. The geographical focus is on the Eastern part of the Roman Empire. The aim of the thesis is, primarily, to analyse aspects of bathing during this period that have not been previously addressed in detail (such as medicinal uses of bathing) and to examine the issues that have been discussed in the past but had not been answered unequivocally, or which have not been treated in an exhaustive manner – such as the matters of nudity and equality in a bath-house environment, or of Christian attitudes to bathing in this context. The thesis also considers what the knowledge of the subject topic contributes to our understanding of the period of Late Antiquity. The thesis examines the changes that occurred in the bathing culture during Late Antiquity and their causes, exploring in detail the impact of Christianity on bathing customs, and devotes special attention to how the perceptions of bathing were presented in the contemporary sources. This will be achieved by investigating passages from a wide range of texts mentioning baths and bathing and subsequently drawing conclusions based on the analysis of the primary sources.

No description available.

<p> The modern Swiss agricultural landscape has its roots buried deep in the ancient past. The phase of agricultural development spanning from the Iron Age, beginning with the Hallstatt in 800 B.C. (2750 BP), to the last of the Merovingian dynasty in A.D. 754 (1196 BP), was one of the most vibrant and important periods in the evolution of the landscape and agriculture of Switzerland. This phase, which begins with independent Iron Age tribes, encompasses the first large-scale conquest of the land of Switzerland, the incorporation of the region into the Roman Empire and the transition of control to the Frankish Kings which laid the foundation in the Early Middle Ages for the modern agricultural landscape. This study explores these developments in the three topographical zones of Switzerland (the Jura Massif and northwestern Switzerland, the Plateau and the Alps) through the archaeological record by combining archaeobotanical and archaeozoological remains recovered from excavations with the results of pollen studies and climatological research to acquire a holistic view of ancient agriculture and dietary preference. During the Hallstatt (800-480 B.C./2750-2430 BP), the three topographical zones had similar agricultural activities, however, beginning in the La T&egrave;ne (480-13 B.C./2430-1963 BP) these show a significant divergence that further intensifies with the arrival of the Romans and persists after the transition of power to the Frankish Kings in the late 5th century A.D. (c. 1474 BP). The arrival of the Romans in the late 1st century B.C. had an immediate impact with the introduction of new crops into local cultivation alongside advanced horticulture, viticulture and animal husbandry practices, as well as a lasting presence in Swiss agriculture due to the persistence of many of these crops after the removal of Roman influence. Concurrently, the cultivation of Iron Age crops, primarily hardy hulled wheats and barley, continued throughout the Roman period, particularly at sites dominated by Celtic peoples, with Roman influence being most felt at higher status sites such as the capital at Avenches, the colony of Augst and the major military installation at Windisch. Roman influence on meat consumption is demonstrated by elevated levels of swine and chickens with a continuation of the dominance of cattle at predominately Celtic sites in the Jura and Plateau alongside elevated levels of sheep and goats at Alpine sites in the Rh&ocirc;ne Valley. By combining archaeobotany, archaeozoology and palynology with climatological studies, this work shows that the arrival of the Romans had an immediate impact during the first centuries A.D., aided by favourable climatic conditions. After the removal of direct Roman influence and increasing climatic instability beginning in the mid-3rd century A.D., many of the crops, fruits and garden plants persisted with the arrival of Frankish and Germanic peoples into the region alongside a resurgence in the prevalence of cereal crops cultivated during the Iron Age.</p>

<p> The Grand Cameo for France is the largest cameo surviving from antiquity. Scholars have debated who is portrayed on the stone and what its scene means for centuries, often, although not always, limiting their interpretations to this narrow area and typically only discussing other causes in passing. This pattern can and should be broken, allowing the stone to be what all objects truly are: windows to the lives that that objects have lived, just as all physical things are; evidence of an experience part of the world went though, whose meanings have and continue to be part of a wider network of object-meanings. The underlying purpose of this thesis is to use the Grand Cameo to prove this point. It does so by asking why the Grand Cameo came into being using Aristotle's four-part fragmented "Why" to widen this meaning broadly enough to expand the scope of what cause means from the vernacular use of the term to include material, formal, efficient and final causes. This allows for a sufficiently satisfactory exploration of many elements of the ancient world. </p><p> This thesis comprises an introduction, five chapters, and a conclusion. The first chapter discusses the material sardonyx itself, its possible origin points and how it would have been seen and used in its time in both the India and the west. It discusses the development of trade routes through the Indian ocean and Hellenistic and Egyptian ties to the east which were later taken over by Rome, as well as the Ptolemies, who they replaced. The second chapter discusses the relationship between Rome and Egypt, how their imagery and materials were usurped, and how this connects to the cameo, a medium that became Roman. Chapter three discusses Rome's absorption and reuse of Hellenistic kingdoms, their people and their culture to see how these influenced images of Roman Rulers in the transition from the Republic to the Julio-Claudians. The fourth chapter details the nature of Julio-Claudian power in Rome, the roles the family took over, and how they made themselves essential to the state, especially in how this relates to imagery from the Grand Cameo. Finally, the fifth chapter allows for the exploration of final cause by using a process of elimination based on living number of family members to establish a coherent narrative for the stone's scene, allowing an interpretation of message and intent. It seems most likely to be justifying the handing over of power to Emperor Claudius as intended by the heavens regardless of the plans of his relatives. </p><p> A roughly chronological understanding of this stone's role from being plucked from the ground to the imperial court is presented by assessing available material. The expansive nature of the question "Why?" allows for an explanation of the stone both broader and more satisfactory than the intentions of one emperor alone, however interesting. The Grand Cameo intersects with the highly international and interactive dynamics of the ancient world as well as specific elements therein which earlier interpretations do not allow for room to explore. </p><p>

<p> This dissertation focuses on religious processions in Athens in the late 6^th and 5^th centuries BCE, when the evidence for processions and festivals first becomes abundant enough to study fruitfully. The built sacred landscape of Athens was beginning to take shape, and Athenian identity was being reshaped under the influence of the Persian Wars, Athens&rsquo; imperial ambitions, and the new popularity of Theseus. Processions traced defined routes in this landscape, forming physical links between center and periphery, displaying numerous symbols which possessed special significance for Athenians and which were part of Athenians&rsquo; cultural memory and collective identity. </p><p> Processions were intense, subjective sensory experiences, full of symbols with deep religious and cultural significance. They were also public performances, opportunities for participants to show off both their piety and their wealth, to perform their membership in the Athenian community, and perhaps to gain social capital or prominence. Not least, processions were movements through a landscape embedded with myths, history, cultural associations, and the connotations of daily lived experience. Previous studies of processions have focused on one of these three aspects&mdash;symbols, participants, or route&mdash;without fully taking account of the others, failing to provide a comprehensive theoretical framework or analysis of these ritual movements. All of these elements&mdash;symbols, participants, and route&mdash;were deliberately chosen, designed to impart particular experiences and meanings to participants and spectators. This dissertation will thus ask why particular symbols, participants, and routes were chosen and explore as many of their potential meanings as possible, considering the myths, cultural associations, and areas of daily life where these elements appeared. </p><p> The repetition of processions is vital to understanding their cultural resonance. Spectators could see the processions multiple times over the course of their lives, and draw new conclusions or interpretations as they gained life experience, learned new stories or myths, and as the collective discourse around Athenian religion created new meanings&mdash;for example, in the aftermath of the Persian Wars. This repetition also reinforced the meanings that these symbols already possessed for Athenians. </p><p> Fran&ccedil;ois de Polignac&rsquo;s bipolar <i>polis</i> theory, which inspired many aspects of this dissertation, characterized processions as ritual &lsquo;links&rsquo; in the landscape connecting center and periphery. This is essentially correct, but in Classical Athens, there were multiple peripheries and a whole calendar full of processions and sacred travel to festivals, the performance of which constructed and maintained the idea of Athens as a spatially and culturally unified territory. Therefore I propose instead the multipolar <i>polis</i> model, which provides a richer and more comprehensive view of the web of connections which linked Athens to her peripheries. These connections included the state-run festivals put on at the major extraurban sanctuaries; the monumental temples and other facilities constructed with state money; the fortifications constructed at or near the sanctuaries, protecting the strategic interests of the state; and the mythical, historical, and ideological significance of these sacred places and their deities. Whether participants traveled to these sanctuaries in a formal procession or via less-organized sacred travel, their movement through the landscape reinforced their associations with it and with the destination sanctuary. </p><p> Processions were complex rituals with many functions. They displayed culturally-significant symbols to participants and spectators, reinforcing their meaning. They provided a stage for participants to perform their status and wealth. They traced a defined route through the landscape of Attica, linking center and periphery, taking participants past a series of meaningful places, buildings, and art. All of these elements&mdash;symbols, people, and places&mdash;drew their meanings from shared myths, rituals, history, and the experience of daily life. The repetition of processions reinforced these meanings in the minds of Athenians, and allowed them to change as Athenian identity changed (and vice versa). It is these threads of common cultural memory, myths and associations that an Athenian could depend on his or her fellow Athenians to remember and understand, and which Athenians wove together in their writings, speeches, plays, and rituals to form their common identity.</p>

<p> Carl Bear This study considers the ways in which the complex debates about appropriate Christian funeral practices in late fourth-century Antioch indicated some of the ways in which Christians' ritual practices embodied their theological beliefs and enacted their religious identities. Sources used to study Christian funerals include the homilies of John Chrysostom, the orations of Libanius, the church order known as <i>Apostolic Constitutions </i>, the historiographic and hagiographic work of Theodoret, and archaeological remains. The analysis of the sources utilizes methods of liturgical history that focus on the perspectives and experiences of ordinary worshipers, and attends to the biases and limitations inherent in the historical record. It also places Christian funeral practices in the context of larger questions surrounding religious identity and ritual in Antioch, especially within the Christian cult of the saints and eucharistic liturgies.</p><p> Ordinary Christians and church leaders in fourth-century Antioch had different ideas about how to Christianize their funerals. Criticism from church authorities that Christians' funeral practices were inconsistent with Christian faith in the resurrection were one-sided. Instead, it seems that ordinary Christians had their own ideas about appropriate ways to care for their dead ritually. Especially in the case of mourning and other contested practices, Christians were giving expression to their human emotions of bereavement, loss, and concern for the dead in culturally prescribed ways. Church leaders, such as John Chrysostom., however, desired Christian funeral practices that exhibited fewer cultural influences and that distinctly demonstrated Christian belief in the resurrection in all aspects of the ritual.</p><p>