This study inquires how the idea of districts came into being in the South African education system in the absence of official policy. It questions why there is no explicit government policy on education districts, particularly in view of the ubiquity of districts in South African education policy discourse. In doing so, the study elucidates the character of South African local education, and illuminates the niche that districts occupy in the education system. Additionally, by invoking Sutton and Levinson’s (2001:4) thesis that ‘people make policy through practice’, the study brings to light practical meanings assigned to districts by schools, and by national, provincial and district officials. The study argues that the central dilemma of education districts in South Africa is their structural condition. It concludes that districts operate at the intersection of the dual, related dichotomies of support and pressure, centralisation and decentralisation. Districts persistently endeavour to coalesce the dichotomy of support and pressure in their work with schools; at the same time, they struggle to straddle their role as deconcentrated field units of provincial head offices and as school support centres. The study proposes that only conscious engagement with these dichotomies, as well as active agency on district-school relationships, will districts manage the tensions between the policy, support and management roles expected of them. The dominant discourse on the role of districts in South Africa places districts as support centres for schools (Mphahlele, 1999; DoE, 2000). While districts post-1994 do not reflect the authoritarian and controlling features of the apartheid era, the study found that policy transmission, policy compliance and ‘policy alleviation’ (a process where district officials attempt to ‘soften’ the rough edges of policy effects on schools), tend to dominate district functions. Even the ‘support’ provided by districts to schools reflects that which is intended by government, rather than that experienced by schools. District agendas are set from the top down rather than the bottom up; hence schools rarely experience district support as a response to their own problems and needs. In reflecting on the character of districts, the study concludes that there is no system of local education in South Africa since there are no common norms and standards governing it. Local education in South Africa does not function as a single organism but comprises disparate structures that vary considerably in organisational design and nomenclature. Despite these differences though, the all-encompassing concept of ‘districts’ to describe local education in South Africa remains ubiquitous in education discourse. An explanation for the homogenisation of the discourse on local education resides with the observation that as deconcentrated units of provincial education departments, districts reflect a common rationale for their existence, namely to serve as field units of government. The reasons for the absence of a policy on districts are rooted in constitutional, legal, historical and political influences. The Interim Constitution (RSA, 1993), for example, shaped government thinking on local education by concentrating government’s attention on school-level rather than local-level governance. Moreover, interpretations of the Constitution (RSA 1996) by key legal experts suggest that national government cannot develop policy on provincial organisation, as this is a provincial competence. However, the establishment of the district health system created by the National Health Act, 2003, stands in contradiction to this line of reasoning, and reinforces the conclusion of the study – that national education authorities have not established a statutory district education system because there is no South African precedent for it and no political incentive to create it. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

University press publishing, while often associated with the promotion of academic freedom, may be situated between the poles of resistance and complicity when considering intellectual responses to apartheid. Yet the history of this form of scholarly publishing has largely been ignored thus far, due to a perception that it had little to tell us about either apartheid or the struggle against it. However, the social history of South Africa’s university presses – at Wits, Natal and Unisa, in particular – provides a new angle for examining academic freedom and knowledge production during the apartheid era. Using a hybrid methodology including archival research, historical bibliography, and political sociology, this study aims to examine the origins, publishing lists and philosophies of the university presses through the lens of a continuum of intellectual responses: ranging from collaboration and complicity, to opposition and dissidence. Results show that, over time, the positions and publishing strategies adopted by the South African university presses shifted, becoming more liberal. It is argued, however, that the university presses should not be considered oppositional or anti-apartheid publishers, in part because they did not resist the censorship regime of the government, and in part because they operated within the constraints of publicly funded, bureaucratic institutions of higher education. They nonetheless produced an important, if under-valued, body of work and provided a platform for a variety of academic opinions. Moreover, the university presses faced a variety of challenges in their struggle to survive over the years, including financial pressures, international competition, and wavering institutional support. But perhaps the greatest challenge was a delicate balancing act: an attempt to promote academic freedom within a climate of political repression, censorship and ideology. The study demonstrates the significance of publishing history for an examination of broader issues of social history, as well as the applicability of a wide range of methodological tools for the field of Book History. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Information Science / unrestricted

From especially the 1950's, campaigns had been launched by the Afro-Asian nations in the United Nations for the institution of mandatory sanctions against South Africa. In all the early campaigns, South Africa had rather enjoyed the support of the United States, although the latter had always verbally condemned the South African policy of apartheid. When Kennedy became United States president in January 1961, this fact was due to change. In August 1963, an arms embargo was instituted against South Africa by the Kennedy Administration in an attempt to bring the verbal condemnation of apartheid in line with active action. The arms embargo, although not mandatory, was the first concrete, practical step taken by the United States in its opposition to the apartheid policy of the South African Government. In 1977 the embargo was strengthened to become a mandatory one. The purpose of this study is to analyse the institution as well as the implementation of the arms embargo by the different United States Administrations up to 1977. By doing that, the observer can judge the relative commitment of the United States to the arms embargo from president to president, thus drawing a wide conclusion on the role that South Africa played in the foreign policy objectives of the United States in the years that the arms embargo was in effect. The Afro-Asian clearly had an impact on the formulation of this policy, and part of the purpose of this study is to establish just how big that impact was. In order to do this, a wide selection of archival material as well as newspaper reports, articles in journals, governmental publications and some secondary sources were researched. The outcome is the conclusion that although the different United States Administrations from Kennedy to Carter generally adhered to the arms embargo, the implementation there-of depended mainly on what role the embargo played in the foreign policy objectives of each of these Administrations. For some, like Nixon and Ford, the strategic importance of South Africa weighed heavier than gaining the favour of the African nations, in comparison with Kennedy and Johnson who followed a midway. They didn't want to loose the privileges that the United States had in South Africa, while at the same time they wanted to appease the African countries in the United Nations. In the case of Carter, the implementation of the arms embargo was directly based on gaining the favour of the African nations, resulting in the institution of a mandatory arms embargo in October 1977. A future study on the role of that embargo in the formulation of the United States foreign policy, will be conducted as continuation of this study. / Vanaf die 1950's veral, is uitgebreide veldtogte deur die Afro-Asiatiese Iande in die Verenigde Nasies vir die instelling van verpligte sanksies teen Suid Afrika gevoer. In al die vroeere veldtogte, het laasgenoemde voortdurend die ondersteuning van die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) geniet, alhoewel daardie land altyd die SuidAfrikaanse apartheidsbeleid mondeling veroordeel het. In Januarie 1961 het Kennedy die president van die VSA geword, en daarmee het die ondersteuning van Suid-Afrika stadig maar seker begin afneem. In Augustus 1963 het die Kennedy-administrasie 'n wapenverbod teen Suid-Afrika ingestel in 'n paging om die mondelinge veroordeling van apartheid in lyn te bring met aktiewe optrede. Die wapenverbod, alhoewel dit nie verpligtend was nie, was die eerste konkrete, praktiese stap wat deur die VSA in sy opposisie teen die apartheidsbeleid van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering geneem is. In 1977 is die verbod uitgebrei na 'n verpligte een. Die doel van hierdie studie is om die instelling sowel as die implementering van die wapenverbod deur die verskillende Amerikaanse Administrasies tot en met 1977, te analiseer. Deur dit te doen, kan die navorser die relatiewe verbintenis van die VSA tot die wapenverbod beoordeel en sodoende 'n wye gevolgtrekking maak oor die rol wat SuidAfrika gespeel het in die buitelandse beleidsdoelwitte van die VSA gedurende die jare wat die verbod ingestel was. Die Afro-Asiatiese nasies het beslis 'n impak gehad op die formulering van hierdie buitelandse beleid, en deel van die doelwit van hierdie studie is om te bepaal hoe groat daardie impak werklik was. Ten einde by h!_erdie gevolgtrekking te kon uitkom, is 'n wye verskeidenheid argivale materiaal sowel as koerantberigte, tydskrifartikels, regeringspublikasies en literatuur bestudeer. Die uitkoms van hierdie navorsing is die gevolgtrekking dat alhoewel die verskillende VSA regerings vanaf Kennedy tot Carter oor die algemeen die wapenverbod ondersteun het, die implementering daarvan hoofsaaklik afhanklik was van die rol wat die verbod in die buitelandse beleidsdoelwitte van elkeen van hierdie Administrasies gespeel het. Vir party, soos byvoorbeeld Nixon en Ford, het die strategiese waarde van Suid-Afrika vir die VSA swaarder geweeg as die guns van die Afrikalande, in vergelyking met Kennedy en Johnson wat 'n middeweg gevolg het. Hulle wou nie die voordele wat die VSA in SuidAfrika gehad het, verloor nie, maar terselfdertyd wou hulle ook die Afrikalande tevrede stel. In die geval van Carter, was die implementering van die wapenverbod direk gebaseer op die guns wat die VSA in die Afrikalande kon geniet. Dit het gelei tot die instelling van 'n verpligte wapenverbod teen Suid-Afrika in Oktober 1977. 'n Verdere studie oor die rol wat daardie verbod in die formulering van die Amerikaanse buitelandse beleid gespeel het, sal as 'n opvolg tot hierdie studie onderneem word. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 1998. / Historical and Heritage Studies / MA / Unrestricted

South Africa is a developing country. It has been an active participant in the multilateral trading system since the creation of the new democratic government in May 1994. However, the country's role in the history of the multilateral trading system before this was very different. South Africa was a founding member of the GATT in 1947. The apartheid regime positioned itself within the organisation as a developed country and behaved as such. This study examines over 800 GATT documents on the country's participation in the GATT from 1947 to 1994. These documents have not been examined or studied before in any comprehensive manner. Although there is a vast literature on the history of the GATT, much of this is written from an orthodox standpoint, especially on the role of developing countries (Bhagwati, 2002; Srinivasan, 1998; Hoekman and Kostecki, 1995; Martin and Messerlin, 2007). More recently, there has been some revisionist academic literature on the GATT (Wilkinson, 2006, 2014; Wilkinson and Scott, 2008). This empirical study contributes to the work of the revisionists. An examination of the GATT documentation raises three main questions that this study sets out to examine. First, why did Apartheid South Africa project itself as a developed country in the GATT from its formation in 1947? Second, how was South Africa able to implement its domestic protectionist and discriminatory policies and still adhere to the ideas and principles of the GATT? And third, why did the major players in the GATT reflect a tendency to deviate from the main ideas and principles of the GATT in their trade practices vis-a-vis South Africa?John Ruggie's work on ideas and multilateralism and his concept of 'embedded liberalism' to describe the post-war multilateral economic institutions, including the GATT, is utilised to analyse the above questions. This study argues that while Ruggie's work is helpful in setting out the main ideas that drove the creation of the GATT and that became the core principles of the organisation, this analytical work on the multilateral trading system is incomplete and will need to be extended by other theoretical work. The GATT documentation reveals that there was a gap between the ideals of the multilateral trading system and the practice of both South Africa and the developed countries within the organisation. While they both professed their commitment to the GATT ideas of liberalisation, non-discrimination and reciprocity, their practices often tended towards protectionism, discrimination and the exclusion of developing countries. To explain this contradictory behaviour this study has drawn on the revisionist history of the GATT. This extended analytical framework is utilised to analyse the GATT documentation on South Africa.

Within post-Apartheid research there is little to no research into poor historically White areas which are experiencing rapid rates of desegregation. It is in these cases a researcher could pose a question to whether or not Apartheid’s race-class divisions are still prevalent. A further gap in South African literature is a lack of a model on which to base socio-economic changes in a situation of post-Apartheid and post-industrial trends. This study addresses both of these short fallings of current academic literature. This paper explores Socio Economic Transformation within a lower income urban area of Pretoria, South Africa. The area, which was previously White only under Apartheid legislation, has been experiencing changes due to factors including post-Apartheid legislation and post-industrialism. Desegregation and a decline in industry have created complicated racial and social patterns within a merging community. Two major trends within the study area include an influx of an upwardly mobile Black population and secondly a downward economic movement of White individuals. The trends identified within the study area contradict many mainstream South African beliefs as the more traditional White-racist-empowered vs. Black-marginalized-oppressed binary is not absolutely valid. These newly emerging racial geographies are identified and explained with the use of personal interviews. The resulting classifications of local individuals are then utilized in a conceptual model to help explain the various socio-economic trends within the area. The study is structured in three main components. Firstly, structural and contextual issues relating directly to the study site are addressed to provide a backdrop on which social issues can be analysed. Socio-economic changes with focus on racial and economic situation are identified and explained. Once the social, economic and spatial are well discussed a theoretical model is developed. The theoretical model is then utilized to plot the individual changes within the study area. The individual trends, which were identified during field studies, are modelled and analysed within a South African context. The model developed from the study has the potential to base further community research upon, both within South Africa and international arenas. The model identifies and explains both the status of individuals which is an individuals socio-economic standing. Secondly trends are defined as an individuals change in socio-economic status through time. Results from the study have shown that labelling the economic situation of varying racial groups on the historic Apartheid framework is no longer valid in all situations. Post-Apartheid racial hiring policies as well as a national de-industrialization trend has created a situation of an upwardly mobile Black middle class as well as a declining poor White economic classification. / Dissertation (MSc)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Geography, Geoinformatics and Meteorology / MSc / Unrestricted

Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA(DVS) / In the period 1985 to 1989 both the state and the liberation movements sought to implement strategies of repression and resistance inside South Africa. These unfolded in the different regions of the country in unique ways. In the absence of detailed regional studies of the encounter between the two, this study examines the experience of Cape Town.

Thesis (M. A. (Sociology)) -- University of Limpopo, 2017 / South Africa as a nation has been battling with the problem of recurring xenophobic attacks since the attainment of democratic rule in 1994. This comes against the background of a well-defined vision of South Africa stipulated by the former president Mr. Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela. Mr. Mandela said ‘South Africa is a Rainbow Nation’ meaning it will accommodate people of different backgrounds. However, the world witnessed with disbelief the occurrence of xenophobic attacks in 2008 which left 62 people dead and thousands displaced and injured. These incidences were followed by the April 2015 violent xenophobic attacks. The attacks resulted in seven (7) people dead, destruction of property, looting of goods and the displacement of hundreds of people. Given this account, this study examined the efficiency of strategies for the prevention of xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa. This was achieved through the following objectives: determining the extent of xenophobic attacks in South Africa, secondly, describing the current strategies adopted by South African Government to prevent xenophobic attacks and lastly, the limitations of the strategies in addressing xenophobia. The researcher conducted a secondary research to get the relevant information. The results of this study reveal eight strategies implemented by the South African government to address xenophobia. The research described the strength of all the strategies implemented to stem out violence. The strategies implemented include the following: Policy strategies, intergovernmental strategies, citizenship empowerment and educational strategies, State-civil society engagement, technical and media related strategies, legal and constitutional strategies and humanitarian strategies. Moreover, this study reveals the three important limitations of the strategies namely lack of sustainability; failure to address the root cause and denialism of the existence of xenophobia. In conclusion, the study reveals that there is need to set long term and sustainable strategies as the means to prevent future xenophobic attacks in South Africa. Key words: Xenophobia, Prevention, Strategies, Xenophobic attacks, Post-Apartheid

Recent writing in the anthropology of affect and cognate fields has positioned hope as a useful category with which to examine socio-political life and formulate a political and theoretical response adequate to its form. This dissertation extends this endeavour by exploring the ‘hopeful projects' mothers and families undertake in order to secure their children's futures in contemporary Cape Town. Based on ethnographic research conducted with Black mothers between March and October 2018, I argue that the supposedly private maternal hopes my interlocutors hold are in fact indexical of the ways in which social inequality functions and becomes manifest in everyday life and care. Situated at the interface of embodied experience and political histories, their hopes are indicative of how liberal logics of selfextension, self-mastery, and self-maximisation are inhabited to produce alternative futures. At the same time, however, such hopes are continually undone by contexts of intractable structural violence and deprivation, reinvested into normative notions of kinship, domesticity, sexuality, and the body, or marshalled to perform reparative work that should properly fall under the purview of the state. In detailing the ways in which my interlocutors attempt to craft more capacious, more just, and more materially abundant futures for their children, I illustrate the affective entailments of life-building in post-Apartheid South Africa

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / In this study I investigate what performance as a medium can contribute to our understanding of shame's affect. Given the difficulty of defining and concretising affect according to set parameters and outcomes, critical and dynamic debates about its nature continue. Most recently, New Affect theorists such as Brian Massumi have explored the role of the body in affective meaning-making. Our current social context requires a critical engagement with the forms of affect in order to achieve a deeper understanding of the intangible structures of power and oppression, as well as of desire, interest and pleasure. My aim is to determine the ways in which performance – as a medium through which to navigate an often difficult, evasive and deeply subjective experience – can facilitate a knowledge of how bodies experience, relate to and process shame.