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The ideology of jihad as propounded by the Islamic Resistance Movement of Palestine (H&dotbelow;amas) is the subject of this thesis. It examines what this organization specifically means by jihad. To properly ascertain this meaning, the ideology of jihad from two different time periods has been examined. In the first period, the "classical" age, the ideology of several jurists concerning jihad is introduced. It can be seen that during this period jihad was applicable to both the expansion and protection of Islamic social/political hegemony. In the second, or modern period, the interpretations of jihad by four thinkers commonly known as "Islamic revivalists" are presented. The definitions of jihad in this era were mostly responses of defending and liberating land from colonialism and imperialism; however, in some cases it was also understood as a means to implement the shari'a in Muslim societies. The jihad of H&dotbelow;amas can, for its part, be seen as an amalgam of these ideologies, in that it is largely connected to liberating the land of Palestine from Israeli rule, establishing an Islamic state, and continuing to assist in struggles in other areas beyond the borders of Palestine.

My thesis focuses on modern Palestine and the role of nationalism and fundamentalism in the construction of Palestinian national identity. H&dotbelow;amas provides a case study of Islamic fundamentalism in Palestine. The movement developed during the late 1980's as a reaction to the failures of the secular project. H&dotbelow;amas is a reflection of a region-wide phenomenon. It is not solely a reaction to modernity. Rather, H&dotbelow;amas is the result of specific condition that led to the politicization of Islam after the Intifad&dotbelow;a . Today the nationalist PLO and H&dotbelow;amas struggle to define Palestinian identity and to shape the emerging Palestinian state. / Palestinian national identity like that of other modern nations has been constructed. Nation-building or identity construction in Palestine can be divided into four historical stages. Each stage is characterized by overlapping and competing identities: Ottoman, Arab, religious, local and kinship. These identities are not mutually exclusive and often a combination of identities became prominent historically depending on the internal and external forces pressuring society. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

Thesis (Ed. D.)--Boston University, 2005. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 560-575).

These (Ph.D.)--University of Waterloo, 2007. / Title from PDF title page. Available through UMI ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 118-131). Also issued in print.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oklahoma, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Nonviolent Change Journal helps to network the peace community: providing dialoguing, exchanges of ideas, articles, reviews, reports and announcements of the activities of peace related groups and meetings, reviews of world developments relating to nonviolent change and resource information concerning the development of human relations on the basis of mutual respect. The Nonviolent Change Journal is published by the Research/Action Team on Nonviolent Large Systems Change, an interorganizational and international project of The Organization Development Institute.

In recent years, there has been increasing realisation that resource based conflicts constitute one of the most salient threats to the survival of mankind, namely, water. In particular, the fundamental link between water and security can no longer be ignored given the indispensable role of water in the sustenance of human life as well as crucial sectors of agriculture and industry. Since the flow of water does not respect political boundaries, co-operation in the utilisation of dwindling supplies remains the most sustainable option for the future in an era of ecological interdependence. This thesis endeavours to investigate the impact of water as a security issue on the Middle East peace process. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the schools of complex interdependence and new security studies. With the demise of the cold war, and the emergence of an expanded security agenda, water is an important non-military threat especially in the Middle East region. However, even with an expanded security agenda, the case of the Middle East suggests that it remains difficult to discard the hierarchy of security issues advocated by the Realists. The ongoing debate between the schools of complex interdependence and Realism is instructive in determining whether co-operation over water issues, considered "low" politics, is attainable in the absence of resolving "high" politics concerns of territory and security. Given its profound security implications for the Middle East region, water has been accorded a central role in both the bilateral and multilateral peace negotiations. In the context of water scarcity, and rising demographic patterns, the role of water as a facilitator of regional co-operation remains critical. However, for multilateral co-operation over water resources to become a tangible reality, it is the contention of this thesis that both "low" politics issues of water and "high" polities concerns of territory as well as security must be addressed simultaneously.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T18:02:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_AnaPaulaMaielo_D.pdf: 2020007 bytes, checksum: e2102d13ef9c61cf2fd82fa2ab69b774 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Esta tese analisa a construção da política palestina à luz da articulação entre dois eixos de análise, quais sejam, a natureza e a evolução das dinâmicas na matriz de poder da política palestina e as dinâmicas produzidas pelo conflito com Israel. Argumentou-se que a fragmentação e a disputa por poder entre as elites palestinas constituem fatores fundamentais para explicar a evolução e as dinâmicas do campo político palestino. As diferentes configurações de forças entre as elites políticas palestinas dificultam a formulação de estratégias comuns de ação e, por extensão, possuem um impacto direto sobre o progresso em direção à independência palestina. Ao mesmo tempo, verificou-se que o conflito palestino-israelense, sendo a ocupação dos territórios palestinos o seu principal componente, provocou uma situação de progressiva deterioração sócio-econômica e política na comunidade palestina. O Processo de Oslo favoreceu a expansão da ocupação israelense dos territórios palestinos e trouxe uma série de impactos negativos para a comunidade palestina. Por fim, foi visto que todos esses desdobramentos oriundos do conflito exerceram forte influência nos padrões de mobilização das elites palestinas e, por conseguinte, esses desdobramentos sido outra variável central na construção do campo político palestino e no seu direcionamento / Abstract: This thesis examines the construction of Palestinian politics in the light of the relationship of two axis of analysis, namely, the nature and the evolution of the dynamics in the matrix of power of Palestinian politics and the dynamics produced by the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was contended that the fragmentation and the power struggle among Palestinian elites are important factors to explain the development and the dynamics in the Palestinian political field. The different configurations of forces among Palestinian political elites obstruct the formulation of common strategies of action and, as a result, they have a direct impact on the progress towards Palestinian independence. At the same time, it was argued that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, being the occupation of the Palestinian territories its main component, caused a progressive socio-economic and political deterioration in Palestinian community. The Oslo Process fomented the expansion of Israel occupation of the Palestinian territories and brought up series of negative impacts to the Palestinian community. Lastly, it was seen that all of these developments stemming from the conflict placed strong influence on the mobilization patterns of Palestinian elites. Consequently, they have been another fundamental variable in the construction of the Palestinian political field and in its directions / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

This study engaged in pushing the current political limitations created by the political impasse of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, by imagining new possibilities for radical political change, agency, and subjectivity for both the international activists volunteering with the International Solidarity Movement as well as Palestinians enduring the brutality of life under occupation. The role of the witness and testimony is brought to bear on activism and rhetoric the social movement ISM in Palestine. Approaches the past studies of the rhetoric of social movements arguing that rhetorical studies often disassociated 'social' from social movements, rendering invisible questions of the social and subjectivity from their frames for evaluation. Using the testimonies of these witnesses, Palestinians and activists, as the rhetorical production of the social movement, this study provides an effort to put the social body back into rhetorical studies of social movements. The relationships of subjectivity and desubjectification, as well as, possession of subjects by agency and the role of the witness with each of these is discussed in terms of Palestinian and activist potential for subjectification and desubjectifiation.