Based on the author's doctoral dissertation. / Title from e-book title screen (viewed Aug. 25, 2006). Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references and index.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2008. Graduate Programme in Social and Political Thought. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 288-304). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR51767

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: From the earliest years the Middle East was known for it's wars and conflict. Religious differences and both the Jews and Palestinian Arabs lay claim to certain territories and religious sites. The fact that the conflict is based on religion makes it an explosive situation and very difficult to find a solution. When the state Israel was established the conflict took on a particular form and the existence of the Palestinian Arabs was threatened. Israel and Egypt were faced opposite each other regularly on the battlefield. Only with the help of a superpower they were able to be in active conflict with each other. Since the Second World War there were an alliance between Israel and the US and Egypt decided to approach Russia for a partnership. Both Israel and Egypt realised that they could not face each other on the battlefield if they were not getting aid and help from a superpower. The influence of the superpowers in this conflict in the Middle East brought a new dimension to the whole situation. The relationship between the superpowers after World War II was in such a bad shape that it gave way to the rise of the Cold War. The bad relationship between the superpowers had a direct influence on the countries in the Middle East. Due to the fact that the allies of the superpowers in the Middle East was entangled in a conflict that increased the mistrust between the superpowers. The course of the October war of 1973 was completely different than the rest of the Middle East wars up until 1973. The superpowers was drawn into the war because of the pressure that was put on the superpowers during this war. That what was feared by everybody were coming true. The conflict in the Middle East was developing from a regional war to the threat of a pending global war. It was very clear that the superpowers could not control their clients of the Middle East to such an extent to avoid a direct confrontation between them. The global crisis did not last long and ended very shortly after it started. During the period after the October war an intense period of negotiations took place between the relevant countries. The friendship between Israel and America was reasonably stable in comparison to the unstable relationship between Egypt and Moscow. Egypt was approaching Washington now to establish a friendship with them. America was the driving force behind the negotiations in the Middle East and with that tried to bring an end to the influence of Russia in the region. They were very succesful in doing that and agreements were signed between Israel and Syria as well as Israel and Egypt. The conflict between Egypt and Israel ended with the signing of the peace agreement between them but the conflict between Israel and the Palestinian Arabs has not ended. The grievances between them are extremely complex and a solution for peace looks very unlikely. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Midde-Ooste was vanaf die vroegste tye 'n gebied wat gekenmerk is aan oorlog en konflik. Die konflik spruit uit godsdiensverskille en die aansprake wat beide die Jode en Palestynse Arabiere het op grondgebied en heilige plekke. Die feit dat die konflik op godsdiens geskoei is maak dat dit 'n plofbare situasie is en uiters moeilik om 'n oplossing te verkry. Die konflik het 'n kenmerkende vorm aangeneem toe die staat Israel gestig is en die bestaan van die Palestynse Arabiere in die gebied bedreig is. Israel en Egipte het menigmaal te staan gekom teenoor mekaar op die oorlogsveld. Beide kon dit net doen met die hulp van hul bondgenootskap met 'n supermoondheid. Israel en die VSA was bondgenote terwyl Egipte toenadering tot USSR gesoek het. Israel en Egipte het besef dat hul die hulp en ondersteuning van 'n supermoondheid nodig gehad het om suksesvol in hul stryd te wees teen die ander. Die invloed van die supermoondhede in die konflik in die Midde-Ooste het 'n nuwe dimensie gegee aan die stryd. Na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het die verhouding tussen die supermoondhede sodanig verswak dat dit gelei het tot die ontstaan van die Koue Oorlog. Dié swak verhouding het 'n direkte invloed gehad in hul verhoudinge met die lande in die Midde-Ooste. Omdat hulle bondgenote ook in 'n stryd gewikkel was het dit verder bygedra tot die wantroue tussen die supermoondhede. Die Oktober-oorlog van 1973 het heeltemal anders as die ander oorloë verloop. Die druk wat die sitausie op die supermoondhede geplaas het, het daartoe gelei dat hulle direk in die konflik betrek is. Dit wat almal gevrees en oor gespekuleer het, het nou waar geword. Die konflik van die Midde-Ooste het nou ontwikkel van 'n streeksoorlog na 'n dreigende globale oorlog. Dit blyk baie duidelik dat beide supermoondhede nie genoegsame druk op hul bondgenote kon plaas om 'n direkte konfrontasie tussen hulle te vermy nie. So vinnig soos wat die globale krisis ontwikkel het so vinnig is dit beëindig. Die tydperk na die Oktober-oorlog was gekenmerk aan 'n intense periode van onderhandeling tussen die betrokke lande. Die verhouding tussen Israel en die VSA was baie stabiel teenoor die onstabiele verhouding tussen Egipte en die USSR. Egipte het al meer toenadering tot Washington gesoek. Amerika was die dryfveer agter die vredesonderhandelinge en het daarmee gepoog om die invloed van USSR in die Midde-Ooste tot 'n einde te bring. Hy was baie suksesvol daarmee en ten spyte van teenkanting is vredesooreenkomste gesluit tussen Israel en Egipte asook Israel en Sirië. Die konflik tussen Egipte en Israel is grootliks beëindig maar die konflik tussen Israel en die Palestynse Arabiere is nog in volle swang. Die twispunte tussen dié twee nasies is kompleks en "n vredesoplossing lyk hoogs onwaarskynlik.

Israel’s spatial imaginary, as an unsettled project, is in constant negotiation, revision, and transmutation. At the heart of this dissertation is an ethnographic endeavor driven by a reading of the past, present, and future of political and religious struggles in Israel/Palestine through an analysis of actors, practices, and material palimpsests of three sites: a French Mandate building and former Syrian military base in the Golan Heights, turned into a boutique hotel by a security entrepreneur; the longed-for and imagined Third Temple in Jerusalem—today’s Temple Mount—a once marginal messianic scheme currently in revival; and the Jaffa Ottoman train station, reopened as a high-end shopping center and later as a light rail station. Through these sites, this dissertation asks how Israel understands itself vis-à-vis its narrative of a biblical past, its present ‘indigenous’ presence, and its vision or imaginaries of the future.

The administration of President George H. W. Bush from 1989 to 1992 saw several firsts in both American foreign policy towards the Middle East, and in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. At the beginning of the Bush Presidency, the intifada was raging in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and by the time it was over negotiations were already in progress for the most comprehensive agreement brokered in the history of the conflict to that point, the Oslo Accords. This paper will serve two purposes. First, it will delineate the relationships between the players in the Middle East and President Bush during the first year of his presidency. It will also explore his foreign policy towards the Middle East, and argue that it was the efforts of George H. W. Bush, and his diplomatic team that enabled the signing of the historic agreement at Oslo.

This thesis aims to examine both continuity and change in Egyptian foreign policy between 1970 and 1981. The overarching question of this work is: Why and how did President Sadat affect changes in foreign policy? More specifically, the thesis examines the evolution of Egyptian foreign policy in three concentric circles: the Superpowers, the Arab world, and Israel. The broader aim of the thesis is to provide a detailed study of Egyptian foreign policy in this period, which witnessed a multitude of watershed events. The topic is important because Egypt is a leading state in the Arab world, a core actor in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and a strategic ally of the superpowers during the Cold War. The thesis offers a detailed chronological account of Egyptian foreign policy during the 1970s. It advances a revisionist interpretation of the early Sadat years, arguing that there was much greater continuity with the foreign policy of Gamal Abdel-Nasser than is commonly believed. The account ends in 1981, with the assassination of Anwar Sadat and the succession of Hosni Mubarak. It is argued that Sadat not only managed to reverse Nasser’s radical path in foreign policy, but that he also succeeded in institutionalising his most significant policy changes: peace with Israel and the removal of Egypt from the Arab-Israeli conflict. The methodology of the thesis is principally empirical and qualitative in nature. The thesis is based on extensive archival research, recently declassified official documents, memoirs of policymakers in English and Arabic, and oral histories in the form of interviews and transcripts of discussions with former Egyptian policymakers.

This thesis will explore the origins of the U.S.-Israeli alliance during the Kennedy administration. John F. Kennedy provided Israel with the first U.S. weapons sale, issued the first informal security guarantee, and established the first joint security consultations between both nations. Ironically, Kennedy gave these concessions to contain Israel, not to establish closer relations. His primary objective for the Middle East was to improve U.S. relations with Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, seeing Nasser as the path for gaining pro-American sentiments among the Arab population in the region to the detriment of the Soviets. Kennedy unintentionally laid the foundations of the U.S.-Israeli alliance while trying to restrain Israel, fearing Israeli actions would impede his plans. The Palestinian refugee issue, the regional arms race between Egypt and Israel, and Israel's secret nuclear weapons program became three pivotal concerns for Kennedy that unintentionally led to the U.S.-Israeli alliance. / by Michael Bocco. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2008. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, FL : 2008 Mode of access: World Wide Web.

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Tez (Yüksek Lisans) - Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı, 2008. / Kaynakça var.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed February 11, 2010). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 681-712).