Die fünf Essays dieser Dissertation behandeln Themen aus dem Bereich der Entwicklungs- und Umweltökonomie. Alle Essays analysieren wie die Produktion von CO2 Emissionen beeinflusst oder reguliert werden kann. Das Treibhausgas CO2 ist eine der größten Externalitäten der Geschichte menschlicher Entwicklung. Die einzelnen Essays zeigen wie lokale Klimaveränderungen das menschliche Wohlbefinden beeinflussen und welche monetären Kosten mit einem Anstieg der Durchschnittstemperatur in Lateinamerika verbunden sind. Außerdem betrachten die Essays Hauptdeterminanten von CO2 Emissionen auf haushalts- oder nationalem Niveau, und bestimmen den Erfolg aktueller Klimapolitik um CO2 Emissionen zu reduzieren. Das letzte Essay betrachtet die momentane und zukünftige Verteilung von CO2 Emissionen wenn verschiedene Politikszenarien realisiert werden würden. Das erste Essay befasst sich mit dem Effekt von klimatischen Veränderungen auf das Wohlfahrtsniveau in Lateinamerika. Als Wohlfahrtsmaß kommen dabei subjektive Selbstaussagen zum Einsatz. Subjektive Wohlfahrt erfasst nicht nur Veränderungen im Einkommen, sondern auch Veränderungen in anderen Lebensbereichen wie dem Zugang zu Bildung oder Gesundheitseinrichtungen. Generell kommt die Studie zu dem Schluss, dass eine Temperatur im Bereich von 20 Grad Celsius und Niederschlag bis 247mm optimal sind. Höhere monatliche Durchschnittstemperaturen oder Niederschläge sind mit Wohlfahrtsverlusten verbunden. Eine globale Erwärmung von mehr als 2 Grad Celsius wird mit Wohlfahrtsverlusten in Lateinamerika einhergehen. Das zweite Essay analysiert Haushaltsemissionen in Form des Kohlenstoff-Fußabdrucks in Indien. Dabei liegt das Augenmerk auf dem Effekt von Einkommenswachstum und sozio- ökonomischen Veränderungen innerhalb der Haushalte. Ein höheres Haushaltseinkommen führt zu einem stärkeren Konsumverhalten aber gleichzeitig auch zu weniger CO2- intensiven Konsummustern. Dennoch kann der Mehrkonsum an CO2-armen Gütern, wie zum Beispiel Bildung, den Anstieg der Haushaltsemissionen, aufgrund höheren Einkommens, nicht kompensieren. Das dritte Essay betrachtet in wie fern aktuelle internationale Klimapolitik einen Einfluss auf CO2 Emissionen genommen hat. Dabei zeigt sich, dass Länder, welche Verpflichtungen im Rahmen des Kyoto Protokolls eingegangen sind, im Durschnitt 6.5% weniger CO2 emittiert haben, als vergleichbare Länder mit ähnlichem Einkommens- und Bevölkerungswachstum aber ohne Verpflichtungen. Das vierte Essay geht auf die Hauptdeterminante des CO2 Emissionswachstums ein, nämlich Einkommen. Dabei wird aber nicht nur der Effekt von Veränderungen im Einkommen, sondern auch der Effekt von Veränderungen in der Einkommensverteilung auf CO2 Emissionen untersucht. Einkommensungleichheit wirkt sich abhängig vom gegenwertigen Ungleichheitsniveau auf CO2 Emissionen aus. Für Länder mit einer hohen Einkommensungleichheit ist der Effekt positiv, das heißt mit sinkender Einkommensungleichheit sinken CO2 Emissionen. Für Länder mit niedriger Ungleichheit ist der Effekt negativ. Ein weiterer Abbau der Einkommensungleichheit würde dort mit steigenden CO2 Emissionen einhergehen. Das fünfte Essay befasst sich mit der globalen Verteilung von pro Kopf CO2 Emissionen. Dabei geht es darum inwiefern der Energiemix und der sektorale Aufbau einzelner Volkswirtschaften zu dieser ungleichen Verteilung von pro Kopf CO2 Emissionen beigetragen haben. Der Abbau schwerer Industrie in OECD Ländern und der verstärkte Einsatz von Kohle in nicht-OECD Ländern haben dabei zu einem Rückgang der globalen Ungleichheit in CO2 Emissionen geführt. Langfristig gesehen kann es sein, dass die Emissionsungleichheit ab 2040 wieder steigen wird. Jedes Essay trägt in seinem Feld zur betreffenden Literatur bei. Die Essays analysieren wie jegliche ökonomische Aktivität (hauptsächlich Konsum) CO2 Emissionen verursachen, welche wiederum für Veränderungen im Klima verantwortlich gemacht werden. Diese Veränderungen im Klima gehen mit lokalen Wohlfahrtsverlusten einher. Nationale Politikmaßnahmen wie zum Beispiel Maßnahmen zur Einkommensumverteilung können einen ambivalenten Einfluss auf CO2 Emissionen haben. Politikmaßnahmen um das Konsumverhalten und Konsummuster zu beeinflussen könnten ein effizientes Mittel zur Regulierung von CO2 Emissionen in reichen Ländern darstellen. Generell könnten internationale Klimapolitikmaßnahmen nationale Politikmaßnahmen katalysieren.

It is more than 20 years since 1985, when world climate and atmospheric scientists first issued an authoritative warning of the danger of global warming. In 1988, scientists, environmentalists and politicians from 48 countries endorsed the Toronto Declaration to address global warming that called for a twenty percent worldwide reduction in CO emissions by the year 2005 leading to an eventual fifty percent reduction. Contestation and collaboration in the global climate change public policy process, involving a wide range of actors, has continued since then. Two organisations were founded in 1989 by non-state actors on opposite sides of the climate policy debate. These were the Global Climate Coalition (GCC), which was established by a range of US business interests, and Climate Action Network (CAN) established by a range of environmental and scientific non-governmental organisations. The thesis documents, analyses and compares how each organisation was formed, organised and developed. It reviews how GCC and CAN enabled more effective national and transnational advocacy and how they fostered opposing policy coalitions on climate policy. The respective approaches are assessed, evaluated and contrasted as each sought to gain support for their opposing policy positions in the global climate change policy process. The research uses a neo-Gramscian theoretical perspective and develops and applies an analytical framework focused on policy coalitions of state and non-state actors to investigate the role that non-state actors played in the global climate policy process. GCC and CAN played major roles within opposing policy coalitions that became particularly important in shaping the outcome of the global and national climate policy processes. The thesis focuses on the role of GCC and CAN and their associated policy coalitions in influencing the framing, developing, implementation and review of global climate policy. It examines the global climate change policy process through this analytical lens of contestation between policy coalitions from the creation of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1988 to the first Meeting of the Parties of the ratified Kyoto Protocol in 2005. The thesis assesses the analytical framework and concludes by identifying critical issues that the current global public policy processes have encountered in developing and implementing effective global climate change public policy.

It is more than 20 years since 1985, when world climate and atmospheric scientists first issued an authoritative warning of the danger of global warming. In 1988, scientists, environmentalists and politicians from 48 countries endorsed the Toronto Declaration to address global warming that called for a twenty percent worldwide reduction in CO emissions by the year 2005 leading to an eventual fifty percent reduction. Contestation and collaboration in the global climate change public policy process, involving a wide range of actors, has continued since then. Two organisations were founded in 1989 by non-state actors on opposite sides of the climate policy debate. These were the Global Climate Coalition (GCC), which was established by a range of US business interests, and Climate Action Network (CAN) established by a range of environmental and scientific non-governmental organisations. The thesis documents, analyses and compares how each organisation was formed, organised and developed. It reviews how GCC and CAN enabled more effective national and transnational advocacy and how they fostered opposing policy coalitions on climate policy. The respective approaches are assessed, evaluated and contrasted as each sought to gain support for their opposing policy positions in the global climate change policy process. The research uses a neo-Gramscian theoretical perspective and develops and applies an analytical framework focused on policy coalitions of state and non-state actors to investigate the role that non-state actors played in the global climate policy process. GCC and CAN played major roles within opposing policy coalitions that became particularly important in shaping the outcome of the global and national climate policy processes. The thesis focuses on the role of GCC and CAN and their associated policy coalitions in influencing the framing, developing, implementation and review of global climate policy. It examines the global climate change policy process through this analytical lens of contestation between policy coalitions from the creation of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1988 to the first Meeting of the Parties of the ratified Kyoto Protocol in 2005. The thesis assesses the analytical framework and concludes by identifying critical issues that the current global public policy processes have encountered in developing and implementing effective global climate change public policy.

It is more than 20 years since 1985, when world climate and atmospheric scientists first issued an authoritative warning of the danger of global warming. In 1988, scientists, environmentalists and politicians from 48 countries endorsed the Toronto Declaration to address global warming that called for a twenty percent worldwide reduction in CO emissions by the year 2005 leading to an eventual fifty percent reduction. Contestation and collaboration in the global climate change public policy process, involving a wide range of actors, has continued since then. Two organisations were founded in 1989 by non-state actors on opposite sides of the climate policy debate. These were the Global Climate Coalition (GCC), which was established by a range of US business interests, and Climate Action Network (CAN) established by a range of environmental and scientific non-governmental organisations. The thesis documents, analyses and compares how each organisation was formed, organised and developed. It reviews how GCC and CAN enabled more effective national and transnational advocacy and how they fostered opposing policy coalitions on climate policy. The respective approaches are assessed, evaluated and contrasted as each sought to gain support for their opposing policy positions in the global climate change policy process. The research uses a neo-Gramscian theoretical perspective and develops and applies an analytical framework focused on policy coalitions of state and non-state actors to investigate the role that non-state actors played in the global climate policy process. GCC and CAN played major roles within opposing policy coalitions that became particularly important in shaping the outcome of the global and national climate policy processes. The thesis focuses on the role of GCC and CAN and their associated policy coalitions in influencing the framing, developing, implementation and review of global climate policy. It examines the global climate change policy process through this analytical lens of contestation between policy coalitions from the creation of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1988 to the first Meeting of the Parties of the ratified Kyoto Protocol in 2005. The thesis assesses the analytical framework and concludes by identifying critical issues that the current global public policy processes have encountered in developing and implementing effective global climate change public policy.

In diesem Beitrag wird der Hintergrund der internationalen Klimaverhandlungen erläutert und die Ergebnisse des Kopenhagen-Akkords vorgestellt. Angesichts des Scheiterns der Kopenhagener Konferenz muss die zeitnahe Schließung eines rechtlich bindenden, globalen Klimaabkommens als unwahrscheinlich gelten. Die Klimapolitik wird zukünftig verstärkt auf nationalstaatlicher und transnationaler Ebene erfolgen.

Titel: Klimatförändringarna i nyhetsdiskursen Antal sidor: 47 Författare: Emelie Sahlström & Sofia Öström Handledare: Ulrika Olausson Kurs: Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap C Period: HT 2010 Universitet: Avdelningen för Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap, Örebro universitet Syfte: Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om och i så fall hur klimatförändringarna i nyhetsdiskursen i New York Times och Dagens Nyheter har likheter, respektive skiljer sig åt. Vi undersöker också om klimatrapporteringarna är uppbyggda genom nationella eller globala identitet, om något ansvar utkrävs samt vilka som tillskrivs detta ansvar och om det finns en vetenskaplig säkerhet eller osäkerhet gentemot klimatförändringarna. Utifrån dessa har vi i slutdiskussionen diskuterat hur resultaten kan kopplas till USA:s och Sveriges klimatpolitik. Teorier: Teorierna är relaterad och presenteras i relation till tidigare forskning. De teorier som används i denna uppsats är, ansvarsutkrävande, vetenskaplig säkerhet och osäkerhet samt identitet.   Metod och material: För att uppfylla syftet använde vi en kritisk diskursanalys samt mikro- och makronivåerna. Vi har analyserat 8 artiklar från New York Times och 9 artiklar från Dagens Nyheter. Resultat: Resultaten visar att DN och NYT, som Europa och USA står mot varandra i klimathanteringen. Analyserna har också visat att klimatförändringarna framställs i de båda tidningarna utifrån nationella identiteter och en ”vi” och ”dem” diskurs återges konsekvent i artiklarna. När det kommer till vetenskaplig säkerhet och osäkerhet ställer sig både DN och NYT säkert till klimatförändringarna och detta görs genom citat från vetenskapsmän och statistik. Säkerheten präglas också av medvetenhet och god inblick i klimatförändringarna. Ansvarsutkrävandet i DN och NYT läggs till stor del på politikerna, dock utkräver NYT ett globalt ansvar och DN utkräver ett ansvar mot USA och Europa som Sverige i denna kontext står utanför. Nyckelord: Critical discourse analysis, climate, accountability, scientific certainty and uncertainty, identity, New York Times, Dagens Nyheter and climate policy

The climate change is currently one of the biggest environmental problems in human society, it has characteristics with a high degree of uncertainty and risk as well as the global impact. The negative environmental impacts destroy the ecological environment and endanger our living condition, for example, water, food, heath, etc., all affected by the climate change. In severe case what¡¦s worse, there would be millions of people suffering from food shortage, water scarcity, sea level rises, the coastal cities were flooded, and large-scale human migration and territoryial conflicts. In recent years, the economic development in China is incredibly fast, however, the growth mode also represent the high level of energy consumption and extensive mode of development. Although this development way is able to drive economic growth, the emissions of greenhouse gases are far more than the international standard, this make China become the biggest country of global carbon emissions. In China, agriculture, water resources and carbon emissions, are all affected by the climate change impact and forced to change. In the international community, the doubts and criticisms from other countries about China¡¦s development mode and its own national interests are raising, what¡¦s China¡¦s role in international climate negotiations? Because we know the impact of climate change doesn¡¦t only affect to our environment, but also it could wildly expand to a country¡¦s developmental policy making process.

The main goal of the thesis is to develop a monitoring instrument for climate policy that is based on the Kyoto Protocol and the IPCC guidelines. The instrument developed is based on a "Full Carbon Accounting" approach which takes into account the carbon flows of the biosphere as well as those related to society's metabolism. Conceptually the analysis is based on the epistemological concept of society nature interaction comprising society's metabolism and colonisation of nature as main starting points. This leads to the empirical concept of material flow analysis. The thesis quantifies the carbon flows and the related uncertainties of the Austrian economy for 1990 for selected areas in a consistent way. The thesis also tries to build up a framework for system of indicators that would allow evaluating climate policy. (author´s abstract)

Empirical investigation into afforestation and bioenergy carbon finance projects in Tanzania, Uganda and Moldova demonstrates that effective projects—both in terms of sustainable development and the generation of genuine carbon credits—are more likely to result when the state is able to bring carbon finance initiatives into alignment with national development objectives. Amongst the countries investigated, the most important factor in such alignment was, paradoxically, commitment liberal economic reforms. Contrary to the expectation that the performance of projects under the Kyoto Protocol’s Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) would be the same in states with similar administrative capacities, carbon finance projects were more effective in Uganda and Moldova than Tanzania. Commitment to liberal economic reforms in Uganda functions as an animating set of ideas that allows the state apparatus to work in a more purposeful manner and establish institutions and organizations which allow it to generate state power for low-carbon development. For CDM forest and bioenergy projects, the risk of unsustainability is mitigated by a land tenure system and investment regime that (i) offer opportunities for individual smallholders to engage directly with the carbon market and create incentives for domestic investors while (ii) also accommodating historical land governance practices. Genuine carbon credits were associated with project developers who possessed a latent organizational capacity for implementation and were motivated to pursue market opportunities—state forest agencies in Uganda and Moldova. However, the ability of the state to retain latent organizational capacity was restricted to sectors such as forestry that are less sophisticated technically; in the energy sector, such capacity was ceded to the private sector in Uganda and Moldova during structural adjustment. More skeptical of liberal economic policy, Tanzania has retained capacity in the energy sector; however, for the same reasons, it has not treated the CDM as a genuine opportunity. At current carbon prices, CDM projects investigated were effective when the state was able to play a developmental role in the economy. Whether commitment to liberal economic reforms can have similar developmental effects in other parts of the developing world is questionable—a different animating set of ideas may be important.

Empirical investigation into afforestation and bioenergy carbon finance projects in Tanzania, Uganda and Moldova demonstrates that effective projects—both in terms of sustainable development and the generation of genuine carbon credits—are more likely to result when the state is able to bring carbon finance initiatives into alignment with national development objectives. Amongst the countries investigated, the most important factor in such alignment was, paradoxically, commitment liberal economic reforms. Contrary to the expectation that the performance of projects under the Kyoto Protocol’s Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) would be the same in states with similar administrative capacities, carbon finance projects were more effective in Uganda and Moldova than Tanzania. Commitment to liberal economic reforms in Uganda functions as an animating set of ideas that allows the state apparatus to work in a more purposeful manner and establish institutions and organizations which allow it to generate state power for low-carbon development. For CDM forest and bioenergy projects, the risk of unsustainability is mitigated by a land tenure system and investment regime that (i) offer opportunities for individual smallholders to engage directly with the carbon market and create incentives for domestic investors while (ii) also accommodating historical land governance practices. Genuine carbon credits were associated with project developers who possessed a latent organizational capacity for implementation and were motivated to pursue market opportunities—state forest agencies in Uganda and Moldova. However, the ability of the state to retain latent organizational capacity was restricted to sectors such as forestry that are less sophisticated technically; in the energy sector, such capacity was ceded to the private sector in Uganda and Moldova during structural adjustment. More skeptical of liberal economic policy, Tanzania has retained capacity in the energy sector; however, for the same reasons, it has not treated the CDM as a genuine opportunity. At current carbon prices, CDM projects investigated were effective when the state was able to play a developmental role in the economy. Whether commitment to liberal economic reforms can have similar developmental effects in other parts of the developing world is questionable—a different animating set of ideas may be important.