This thesis seeks to investigate what shapes climate change policies in Kenya. Using Peter Haas' concept of usable knowledge, it argues the need to move beyond conventional perspectives on knowledge and power and provides a framework for understanding what knowledge and mechanisms are usable for policy makers. I argue that Kenyan climate policy is shaped by the interaction of knowledge and power across three crucial levels of influence - global, regional and national. As climate change forces us to rethink how we combine economic policies with environmental realities in Africa, each level encompasses distinct policy narratives where critical actors have an impact on national climate change policy. First, I argue that the standards, norms and regulations established by the global climate regime are directly reflected in national climate strategies of African countries, not only in terms of diplomatic moves to adhere to commitments made, but also in respect to benefiting from international mechanisms put in place to aid developing countries. Second, I examine the One Voice, One Africa narrative. This looks at the rise of the African Group of Negotiators within the global climate regime and their ability to influence Kenyan policy. Third, Kenya's climate change policy is shaped by the interaction of economic, political, and environmental constructs in national policy-making. The principle goal of this thesis is to open African environmental scholars and climate change policy analysts to a rigorous and flexible questioning of how climate policy processes operate in the African context.

Assessments of the past are essential to the struggle over the right to define the normative position of history under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Despite this importance, attempts to analyze the use of history in this context are rare. This thesis aims to investigate how assessments of the past are used in UNFCCC negotiations on responsibilities to act, focusing on negotiations on historical responsibilities. The research questions concern how discourse on historical responsibility: 1) can be structured, 2) is influenced by UNFCCC negotiating practice, 3) has been structured in the UNFCCC, and 4) has enabled agreement despite considerable conflict. Official UNFCCC documentation between 1991 and 2011 was studied using discourse analysis. This study suggests: first, the UNFCCC discourse on historical responsibility conveys two main assessments—a proportional and a conceptual one—of how the past could be used to differentiate responsibilities to act. Second, the strong consensus focus necessitates rationales underlying an “agreeable history” that is neither too flexible, allowing arbitrariness, nor too rigid, reducing Parties’ likelihood of ratifying. Third, as the past evolves, new situations challenge discourse that potentially engages policy makers with a need to rearticulate history. Fourth, if the context changes, so may the importance ascribed to particular assessments of the past. If the stakes increase over time, even more effort is required to reach agreement, which simultaneously becomes more important in solving problems of common concern. Fifth, power seems difficult to circumvent, even by means of cleverly designed negotiating practice. If so, multilateral environmental negotiations could increase the legitimacy of outcomes among Parties in two principal ways: first, by identifying the core conflict that drives negotiations and, second, by evaluating how multilateral environmental negotiations handle conflict. Obscuring or ignoring conflict will likely only reduce the legitimacy of the negotiations.

Ämnet för denna uppsats är Sveriges skyldighet att minska växthusgasutsläpp enligt internationell rätt, EU-rätt och generella principer inom internationell miljörätt. Uppsatsen skrivs med en rättsanalytisk metod. Klimatförändringen har en stark internationell prägel och kräver därför internationellt samarbete. Under FN:s ramkonvention om klimatförändring har bl.a. Kyotoprotokollet och Parisavtalet antagits. Kyotoprotokollet ålade industriländer bindande utsläppsminskningar, vilket föranledde meningsskiljaktigheter om hur utsläppsminskningen bör fördelas mellan stater. Parisavtalet undvek problematiken genom att stater väljer ambitionen för sina utsläppsminskningsåtgärder och ålägger parterna att inkomma med nationellt fastställda bidrag (NFB), en sorts klimathandlingsplan. De NFB ska leda till en global temperaturökningen långt under 2°C med ansträngningar för att begränsa den till 1,5°C. EU inkommer med ett unionsgemensamt NFB, och ålägger i sin tur medlemsstaterna utsläppsminskningsskyldigheter. Det fria handlingsutrymmet som skapas under Parisavtalet ger upphov till frågor om vilken skyldighet stater har att minska växthusgasutsläppen och i vilken takt. Luckorna i Parisavtalet kan tolkas med hjälp av generella principer inom den internationella miljörätten. Mot bakgrund av att Parisavtalet lägger vikten på nationella utsläppsminskningsåtgärder är det klimatpolitiska ramverket och klimatlagen av särskilt intresse. Klimatlagen sätter ramen för regeringens klimatpolitiska arbete. För att konkretisera analysen utreds om Sverige kan införa en mekanism för utsläppsbudgetering i det klimatpolitiska ramverket och särskilt klimatlagen. Det är den kumulerande mängden växthusgaser i atmosfären som är avgörande för temperaturökningen. Klimatvetenskapen kan med en viss säkerhet indikera vilken temperaturökning en viss koncentration av växthusgaser i atmosfären innebär. Med hjälp av Parisavtalets temperaturmål kan därför en global utsläppsbudget i enlighet med avtalet tas fram. Generella principer inom den internationella miljörätten ger vägledning för utformningen av en Svensk utsläppsbudget. Ett genomförandeunderskott föreligger med hänsyn till de svenska klimatmålen. Enligt det Klimatpolitiska rådets bedömning nås inte klimatmålen med befintliga styrmedel. Mot bakgrund av detta och med hänsyn till klimatförändringens stora allvar, finns det anledning att se över det klimatpolitiska ramverket. Det finns inget hinder mot att införa en bindande utsläppsbudget i Sverige men en sådan bindande reglering ligger långt ifrån Svensk rättstradition. / The topic of this essay is Sweden's obligations under international law, EU law and general principles of international environmental law to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The essay is written using a legal analytical method. Both the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement have been adopted under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. The Kyoto Protocol imposed binding emission reductions on industrialised States, leading to disagreements on the emission reduction obligations of States. The Paris Agreement avoided this problem by allowing States to set their own ambition for emission reductions, requiring parties to submit climate action plans in the form of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC). Taken together, the NDCs shall lead to a global temperature rise being kept well below 2°C with efforts to pursue 1.5°C. The EU communicates a joint NDC, and in turn imposes emission reduction obligations on Member States. The room for discretion thus created under the Paris Agreement raises questions regarding States fair share of the remaining global emissions budget. When using their discretion, States can be guided by general principles of international environmental law. In view of the emphasis placed on national contributions, the Swedish Climate Policy Framework and especially the Climate Act are of particular interest. The Climate Act is a framework law regulating the Swedish Government's climate policy work. As the cumulative amount of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere is decisive for global temperature rise, this essay seeks to explore whether an emission budget can be introduced in the Swedish Climate Act. Global emissions budgets can show with different levels of certainty the remaining emissions before temperature thresholds are met. A global emissions budget can be decided in alignment with the Paris Agreements temperature goal. General principles of international environmental law provide guidance for Sweden’s fair share of the budget, and how a budgeting mechanism can be put in place. There is currently an implementation deficit with regard to the Swedish climate goals. The Climate Policy Council's assessment of Swedish climate policy is that the Climate Goals will not be met with existing policy instruments. In light of this, and considering the seriousness of climate change, there is reason to review the Swedish Climate Policy Framework. There seems to be no legal obstacle to introducing a binding emissions budget in Sweden. However, introducing regulation that binds the government to achieve a certain result lies far from the Swedish legal tradition.

Denna uppsats syfte är att söka och fastställa de variabler av vikt, inom klimatförändringsregimens tillkomstprocess, som har betydelse för att regimen har tillkommit. Denna studie genomförs genom skapandet av ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av de regimteoretiska perspektiven intresse, makt och kunskap. Detta används vidare för att först fastställa när regimen skapas och dess tillkomstprocess, för att sedan åskådliggöra variabler av vikt.Utifrån dessa premisser visar denna studie att variablerna av vikt särskilt var:förhandlingsparternas möjlighet och intresse att anta den problemlösande formen av enintegrativ förhandlingsapproach under beslöjningen av osäkerhet, vilket stimulerades av användandet av beslutsmekanism efter konsensus och koncentration på rättviseaspekter;användandet av makt och utnyttjandet av relativa maktmöjligheter inom kampen att diktera reglerna; och framkomsten av vetenskaplig konsensus om både lämpligaanpassningsstrategier och den mänskliga påverkan av jordens klimat, samt dess möjlighet till influerande av aktörer med bestämmandemakt. / The primary aim of this essay is to search and verify variables of significance, in the formative process of the climate change regime, which holds causal influence in explaining this formation. This is done by the construction of a theoretical framework based on components of the regime theoretical perspectives of interest, power and knowledge with the focus on regime formation. Hence, this serves the purpose of firstly determining when the regime was established and the scope of the process leading to the establishment, and secondly to clarify the variables of significance. With these premises in mind the variables of importance were essentially; the actors possibility and interest to adopt a problem-solving and integrative bargaining approach under the veil of uncertainty, stemmed by the use of decision-making procedures by consensus and focus on the issues of justice and equity; the exercise of power and use of relative power capabilities in the power struggle of determining the rules of the game; and the rise of scientific consensus about the human influence on global climate and suitable adoptingstrategies, and its prospect of influence actors with decision-making possibilities.

As mudanças climáticas figuram entre as principais questões da sociedade de risco característica do mundo atual. Elas são multidimensionais e exigem uma análise multiescalar. Inevitavelmente, as decisões são deslocadas para além do nível nacional, na medida em que os problemas socioambientais transcendem as fronteiras estatais. O tema foi incorporado à agenda ambiental internacional nas últimas décadas e atualmente conforma uma ordem ambiental complexa do ponto de vista normativo/institucional. Participam dela quase todos os países que, em conjunto, visam responder ao desafio relativo ao tema, tanto no tocante à mitigação de emissões de gases de efeito estufa, como à adaptação aos efeitos que são e serão sentidos por grande parte da população mundial. Porém, ao mesmo tempo em que se reconhece a importância da cooperação multilateral em favor de uma governança eficaz na abordagem do tema, verifica-se que os Estados têm posicionamentos distintos e desenvolvem diversas estratégicas para fazer com que seus interesses nacionais específicos sejam contemplados a cada rodada do processo negociador, o que corrobora com as teorias realistas das Relações Internacionais e de território e soberania da Geografia Política. Neste trabalho analisa-se a participação do Brasil em seis Conferências das Partes da Convenção-Quadro das Nações Unidas sobre Mudança do Clima (UNFCCC), realizadas no período de 2009 a 2014. Avaliam-se quais foram os interesses brasileiros em cada uma destas etapas, o grau de influência exercido sobre os demais países que integram a ordem, bem como em que medida as expectativas do governo brasileiro foram contempladas nas decisões finais destas rodadas de negociações. A metodologia pautou-se em análise de livros, artigos e relatórios sobre a ciência da mudança do clima; de teorias da Geografia Política e das Relações Internacionais; de documentos oficiais sobre eventos que precederam as conferências analisadas no trabalho; das propostas submetidas pelo governo brasileiro e discursos proferidos por seus representantes; de informações obtidas junto à delegação brasileira; de relatórios diários e decisões oficiais de cada rodada de negociações; da participação in loco nos três últimos encontros avaliados nos quais foi possível acompanhar a atuação da delegação brasileira e avaliar suas consequências; bem como de material bibliográfico e jornalístico relacionados a este período do processo negociador. Verificou-se que o Brasil mostra-se cada vez mais disposto à cooperação e tem se destacado por sua habilidade diplomática e ações desenvolvidas em seu território, em especial no combate ao desmatamento da Amazônia. Porém, apresenta premissas básicas não passíveis de flexibilização até o presente momento, como a diferenciação entre países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento conforme estabelecido pela UNFCCC. A questão que se coloca não é se o país irá ampliar sua ambição em termos de mitigação de emissões de gases de efeito estufa, mas como as medidas desenvolvidas em seu território serão traduzidas em compromissos internacionalmente vinculantes no novo acordo a ser definido ao final de 2015. Entende-se que o posicionamento do Brasil será fundamental para a conformação da nova fase da ordem ambiental internacional sobre mudanças climáticas, diante de seu perfil de emissões e poder político, econômico e ambiental. / Climate change is among the key issues of the risk society characteristic of today\'s world. They are multidimensional and require multiscale analysis. Inevitably, decisions are displaced beyond the national level to the extent that environmental issues transcend state borders. The theme was incorporated into the international environmental agenda in recent decades and now conform a complex environmental order of the legal/institutional point of view. Participate in it almost all countries that, together, aim to meet the challenge concerning the issue, both with respect to mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions and adaptation to the effects that are and will be felt by much of the world\'s population. However, while recognizing the importance of multilateral cooperation in favor of effective governance in the approach to the subject, it appears that States have different positions and develop various strategies to make their specific national interests are incorporated every round of the negotiating process, which corroborates the realistic theories of International Relations and territory and sovereignty of Political Geography. This paper analyzes the participation of Brazil in six Conferences of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), held in the 2009-2014 period. This study evaluates which were the Brazilian interests in each of these steps, the degree of influence exercised over other countries of the order as well as to what extent the expectations of the Brazilian government were, in fact, included in the final decisions of these rounds negotiations. The methodology was based on the analysis of books, articles and reports on the science of climate change; theories of Political Geography and International Relations; of official documents about events that preceded the conference analyzed at work; of the proposals submitted by the Brazilian government and speeches by their representatives; information obtained from the Brazilian delegation; daily reports and official decisions of each round of negotiations; participation in loco in the last three meetings at which it was possible to track the performance of the Brazilian delegation and assess its consequences; as well as bibliographic and journalistic material related to this period of the negotiating process. It was found that Brazil appears to be increasingly willing to cooperation and has become known for his diplomatic skill and actions carried out in its territory, particularly in combating deforestation of the Amazon. However, it presents basic premises not subject to easing so far as the differentiation between developed and developing countries, as established by the UNFCCC. The question that arises is not if the country will increase its ambition in terms of mitigating emissions of greenhouse gases, but how the measures developed in its territory will be translated into internationally binding commitments in the new agreement to set the end of 2015. It is understood that Brazil\'s position will be critical to the shaping of the new phase of international environmental policy on climate change, because of the emissions profile and political, economic and environmental power.

Non-state actors, such as international environmental organisations, business associations and indigenous peoples organisations, increasingly take on governance functions that can influence the delivery of global public goods. This thesis examines the roles of these actors in the field of global climate change governance. Specifically, the thesis examines why and how non-state actors are involved in global climate change governance, the governance activities that they may perform and are perceived to perform, and their views on climate change solutions. The thesis also discusses the implications of their roles for how authority is shared between states and non-state actors in global climate change governance. The research questions are addressed by triangulating several empirical methods. The results show that the roles of non-state actors are continuously evolving and depend on the changing nature of relations between state and non-state actors as well as efforts by non-state actors to expand their policy space by justifying and seeking recognition for their participation. Moreover, the findings point to the importance of differentiating between groups of non-state actors, as they represent diverse interests and have different comparative advantages across governance activities. Which non-state actors participate and to what extent therefore has implications for the effects of their involvement in global climate change governance. On the basis of a systematic assessment of a set of non-state actors, this thesis concludes that the key role-categories of non-state actors in global climate change governance are broadly: shapers of information and ideas, brokers of knowledge, norms and initiatives, and doers of implementing policies and influencing behaviours. Different non-state actors carry out activities within these role-categories to different extents. In addition to the empirical mapping of the roles of non-state actors in global climate change governance, this thesis contributes to two strands in the literature: one theoretical focusing on the authority and legitimacy of non-state actors in global environmental governance, and the other methodological, offering a toolbox that combines survey data with qualitative methods. / Icke-statliga aktörer, exempelvis internationella miljöorganisationer, näringslivsorganisationer och ursprungsbefolkningsorganisationer, fyller alltmer framträdande funktioner i den globala klimatstyrningen. Dessa organisationer kan därmed påverka utformningen av globala kollektiva nyttigheter. Denna avhandling undersöker dessa aktörers roller inom den globala klimatstyrningen. Avhandlingen utforskar varför och på vilket sätt icke-statliga aktörer deltar i den globala klimatstyrningen, uppfattningar om vilka styraktiviteter de utför, och ifall de bidrar till en mer pluralistisk syn på klimatproblematikens lösningar. I avhandlingen diskuteras vilka konsekvenser de icke-statliga aktörernas roller har för hur auktoritet delas mellan stater och icke-statliga aktörer i den globala klimatpolitiken. Forskningsfrågorna behandlas genom att triangulera flera empiriska metoder. Resultaten från dessa undersökningar visar att de icke-statliga aktörernas roller utvecklas kontinuerligt och att dynamiken dels beror på den skiftande relationen mellan statliga och icke-statliga aktörer, dels på de icke-statliga aktörernas egna ansträngningar att öka sitt politiska handlingsutrymme och få erkännande för sitt deltagande. Dessutom pekar resultaten på vikten av att skilja mellan olika grupper av icke-statliga aktörer, eftersom de representerar skilda intressen och har komparativa fördelar i olika styraktiviteter. En konsekvens av detta är att det spelar roll vilka grupper av icke-statliga aktörer som ges tillträde till den internationella klimatdiplomatin. Baserat på en systematisk  bedömning av vad några av de icke-statliga aktörerna anses göra, dras slutsatsen att de viktigaste rollkategorierna som icke-statliga aktörer har är: formare av information och idéer, mäklare av kunskap, normer och initiativ, och görare genom att bidra till implementering och påverka beteenden, men att olika icke-statliga aktörer utför dessa roller i olika utsträckning. Utöver den empiriska kartläggningen av icke-statliga aktörers roller i den globala klimatstyrningen, bidrar avhandlingen dels till den teoretiska litteraturen kring icke-statliga aktörers auktoritet och legitimitet inom den globala miljöstyrningen, dels metodologiskt genom att utveckla analysverktyg som kombinerar enkätdata med kvalitativa metoder.

As mudanças climáticas figuram entre as principais questões da sociedade de risco característica do mundo atual. Elas são multidimensionais e exigem uma análise multiescalar. Inevitavelmente, as decisões são deslocadas para além do nível nacional, na medida em que os problemas socioambientais transcendem as fronteiras estatais. O tema foi incorporado à agenda ambiental internacional nas últimas décadas e atualmente conforma uma ordem ambiental complexa do ponto de vista normativo/institucional. Participam dela quase todos os países que, em conjunto, visam responder ao desafio relativo ao tema, tanto no tocante à mitigação de emissões de gases de efeito estufa, como à adaptação aos efeitos que são e serão sentidos por grande parte da população mundial. Porém, ao mesmo tempo em que se reconhece a importância da cooperação multilateral em favor de uma governança eficaz na abordagem do tema, verifica-se que os Estados têm posicionamentos distintos e desenvolvem diversas estratégicas para fazer com que seus interesses nacionais específicos sejam contemplados a cada rodada do processo negociador, o que corrobora com as teorias realistas das Relações Internacionais e de território e soberania da Geografia Política. Neste trabalho analisa-se a participação do Brasil em seis Conferências das Partes da Convenção-Quadro das Nações Unidas sobre Mudança do Clima (UNFCCC), realizadas no período de 2009 a 2014. Avaliam-se quais foram os interesses brasileiros em cada uma destas etapas, o grau de influência exercido sobre os demais países que integram a ordem, bem como em que medida as expectativas do governo brasileiro foram contempladas nas decisões finais destas rodadas de negociações. A metodologia pautou-se em análise de livros, artigos e relatórios sobre a ciência da mudança do clima; de teorias da Geografia Política e das Relações Internacionais; de documentos oficiais sobre eventos que precederam as conferências analisadas no trabalho; das propostas submetidas pelo governo brasileiro e discursos proferidos por seus representantes; de informações obtidas junto à delegação brasileira; de relatórios diários e decisões oficiais de cada rodada de negociações; da participação in loco nos três últimos encontros avaliados nos quais foi possível acompanhar a atuação da delegação brasileira e avaliar suas consequências; bem como de material bibliográfico e jornalístico relacionados a este período do processo negociador. Verificou-se que o Brasil mostra-se cada vez mais disposto à cooperação e tem se destacado por sua habilidade diplomática e ações desenvolvidas em seu território, em especial no combate ao desmatamento da Amazônia. Porém, apresenta premissas básicas não passíveis de flexibilização até o presente momento, como a diferenciação entre países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento conforme estabelecido pela UNFCCC. A questão que se coloca não é se o país irá ampliar sua ambição em termos de mitigação de emissões de gases de efeito estufa, mas como as medidas desenvolvidas em seu território serão traduzidas em compromissos internacionalmente vinculantes no novo acordo a ser definido ao final de 2015. Entende-se que o posicionamento do Brasil será fundamental para a conformação da nova fase da ordem ambiental internacional sobre mudanças climáticas, diante de seu perfil de emissões e poder político, econômico e ambiental. / Climate change is among the key issues of the risk society characteristic of today\'s world. They are multidimensional and require multiscale analysis. Inevitably, decisions are displaced beyond the national level to the extent that environmental issues transcend state borders. The theme was incorporated into the international environmental agenda in recent decades and now conform a complex environmental order of the legal/institutional point of view. Participate in it almost all countries that, together, aim to meet the challenge concerning the issue, both with respect to mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions and adaptation to the effects that are and will be felt by much of the world\'s population. However, while recognizing the importance of multilateral cooperation in favor of effective governance in the approach to the subject, it appears that States have different positions and develop various strategies to make their specific national interests are incorporated every round of the negotiating process, which corroborates the realistic theories of International Relations and territory and sovereignty of Political Geography. This paper analyzes the participation of Brazil in six Conferences of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), held in the 2009-2014 period. This study evaluates which were the Brazilian interests in each of these steps, the degree of influence exercised over other countries of the order as well as to what extent the expectations of the Brazilian government were, in fact, included in the final decisions of these rounds negotiations. The methodology was based on the analysis of books, articles and reports on the science of climate change; theories of Political Geography and International Relations; of official documents about events that preceded the conference analyzed at work; of the proposals submitted by the Brazilian government and speeches by their representatives; information obtained from the Brazilian delegation; daily reports and official decisions of each round of negotiations; participation in loco in the last three meetings at which it was possible to track the performance of the Brazilian delegation and assess its consequences; as well as bibliographic and journalistic material related to this period of the negotiating process. It was found that Brazil appears to be increasingly willing to cooperation and has become known for his diplomatic skill and actions carried out in its territory, particularly in combating deforestation of the Amazon. However, it presents basic premises not subject to easing so far as the differentiation between developed and developing countries, as established by the UNFCCC. The question that arises is not if the country will increase its ambition in terms of mitigating emissions of greenhouse gases, but how the measures developed in its territory will be translated into internationally binding commitments in the new agreement to set the end of 2015. It is understood that Brazil\'s position will be critical to the shaping of the new phase of international environmental policy on climate change, because of the emissions profile and political, economic and environmental power.

1 Název práce: Mezinárodní režim ochrany klimatu ve světle závazků vybraných smluvních stran Rámcové úmluvy OSN o změně klimatu Autor práce: PhDr. Ing. Přemysl Štěpánek Školitel: Doc. PhDr. Jan Karlas, M.A., Ph.D. Pracoviště: Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut politologických studií, Katedra mezinárodních vztahů. Rok obhajoby: 2018 Abstract To complement the current research on countries' action in relation to global public goods, this dissertation examines the strength of UNFCCC Parties' emission commitments and the influence of selected factors derived from rationalism and constructivism on the strength of these commitments in two different contexts, under the Copenhagen Accord (2009) and the Paris Agreement (2015). Using a multiple linear regression analysis on the sample of 27 and 54 cases in the first and the second period, respectively, and as well as through case studies on three important UNFCCC Parties with a strong commitment and variance in values of the independent variables (the European Union, the Russian Federation, South Africa), the conclusions are as follows. The regression analysis in both contexts showed, in line with the assumptions, the positive influence of two factors on the strength of commitments, namely the share of alternative and nuclear energy and economic...

Croisant la sociologie des relations internationales et la sociologie de l’action publique, et s’appuyant sur un travail d’enquête principalement qualitatif – observation participante, entretiens semi-directifs – mais aussi quantitatif – analyse statistique textuelle -, cette thèse analyse les ressorts de la diplomatie climatique du Bangladesh, ainsi que les acteurs qui participent à son élaboration et à sa mise en œuvre. Alors que la littérature sur la gouvernance mondiale du climat s’est longtemps d’abord intéressée au rôle des acteurs « dominants » du régime climatique, cette recherche enrichit ces travaux en étudiant, à l’aide d’un cas d’étude empirique, les capacités de négociation des États « dominés », mais aussi les obstacles à leur participation effective aux négociations climatiques. Elle met en évidence l’existence d’un weak power, qui correspond à la capacité d’un acteur « faible » de contourner et/ou de transformer en avantage comparatif son déficit de puissance structurelle, grâce notamment à des ressources « empruntées » à d’autres acteurs, en vue d’exercer une influence sur le processus et les résultats des négociations. Elle montre comment le Bangladesh est parvenu à acquérir une identité ambiguë dans le régime climatique, marqué par la reconnaissance à la fois de son statut de pays « le plus vulnérable » aux impacts du changement climatique, et de celui de « champion de l’adaptation », qui lui permet de faire entendre sa voix, de capter des financements internationaux et de légitimer ses revendications. Esquissant les contours d’un modèle d’analyse permettant d’analyser les conditions d’activation, les ressources, les stratégies diplomatiques et les types de leadership propres au weak power, cette thèse participe à une meilleure compréhension du « paradoxe structuraliste » identifié par William Zatman et à la place des États dominés dans les négociations internationales. / Cross-checking the sociology of international relations with public policy analysis and mobilizing qualitative – participant observation, semi-structured interviews – and quantitative – textual analysis – methods, this dissertation analyses the development and implementation of the Bangladesh’s climate diplomacy. For a long time, the literature on global climate governance has focused on the role of dominant players in the climate regime. But this body of work does not provide a comprehensive insight on the negotiation capacities of dominated players and the limits to their effective participation. Based on a detailed empirical study, this research aims to fill this gap. It demonstrates the existence of a weak power that is defined as the ability of a « weak » actor to circumvent and/or transform its lack of structural power into comparative advantage, thanks in particular to borrowing resources to other actors, to influence the process and results of negotiations. This research shows how Bangladesh has acquired an ambiguous identity in climate regime, being both “the most vulnerable” country to climate change impacts and the “adaptation leader”. This dual identity allows Bangladesh to raise its voice in climate negotiations, to attract international funding and attention, and to legitimise its claims. This dissertation sketches out the contours of an analytical model enabling to analyse activation conditions, resources, diplomatic strategies and forms of leadership specific to weak power. In doing so, it contributes to a better understanding of the “structuralist paradox” identified by William Zartman and to the role of dominated states in international negotiations.

It is more than 20 years since 1985, when world climate and atmospheric scientists first issued an authoritative warning of the danger of global warming. In 1988, scientists, environmentalists and politicians from 48 countries endorsed the Toronto Declaration to address global warming that called for a twenty percent worldwide reduction in CO emissions by the year 2005 leading to an eventual fifty percent reduction. Contestation and collaboration in the global climate change public policy process, involving a wide range of actors, has continued since then. Two organisations were founded in 1989 by non-state actors on opposite sides of the climate policy debate. These were the Global Climate Coalition (GCC), which was established by a range of US business interests, and Climate Action Network (CAN) established by a range of environmental and scientific non-governmental organisations. The thesis documents, analyses and compares how each organisation was formed, organised and developed. It reviews how GCC and CAN enabled more effective national and transnational advocacy and how they fostered opposing policy coalitions on climate policy. The respective approaches are assessed, evaluated and contrasted as each sought to gain support for their opposing policy positions in the global climate change policy process. The research uses a neo-Gramscian theoretical perspective and develops and applies an analytical framework focused on policy coalitions of state and non-state actors to investigate the role that non-state actors played in the global climate policy process. GCC and CAN played major roles within opposing policy coalitions that became particularly important in shaping the outcome of the global and national climate policy processes. The thesis focuses on the role of GCC and CAN and their associated policy coalitions in influencing the framing, developing, implementation and review of global climate policy. It examines the global climate change policy process through this analytical lens of contestation between policy coalitions from the creation of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1988 to the first Meeting of the Parties of the ratified Kyoto Protocol in 2005. The thesis assesses the analytical framework and concludes by identifying critical issues that the current global public policy processes have encountered in developing and implementing effective global climate change public policy.