Being the world’s largest greenhouse gas emitter and second largest economy, China’s role in international climate negotiations has been the topic of much heated debate over the past 10 years. However, few studies have sought to understand China ́s role in the Global Environmental Governance and Chinese leadership therefore remains a lacuna in need of further investigation. This generates one central question: How does leadership theory bring insight into China ́s role in the international climate change negotiations? The research is designed as a qualitative case study, applying an analytical framework by Young (1991). A content analysis in conjunction with the analytical framework is applied to policy documents, speeches and official reports produced by the Chinese Government, UNFCCC and IISD as a way to understand China ́s negotiation strategies and climate change goals. The findings suggest that China has shown weak leadership during the climate summit in 2009, since there was a huge lack of leadership capabilities applied in their negotiation strategies. However, in 2015 China met all leadership indicators to a certain degree and can therefore be seen to have exercised strong leadership capabilities. It can therefore be argued, that China has become a leading actor in the climate change regime due to their shift in negotiation approach from 2009 to 2015, through their influence and position in shaping the global climate change agenda.

While UNFCCC negotiations generally have adopted a neoliberal version of the contestedconcept of climate justice in the last 30 years, the acceptance of the Loss and Damage Fundduring COP27 indicates a possible shift in the climate justice discourse. To examine possibleshifts in the portrayal of climate justice, statements delivered by state representatives fromfive coalitions during COP21 and COP27 have been analyzed using a qualitative framinganalysis. The coalitions represent both victims of climate change and the causers of it. Theanalysis has been based on a theoretical framework consisting of six different climate justiceframes: neoliberal, distributive, intergenerational, rights-based, transformative, and ecologicaljustice. During COP21, a clear division appeared between ‘victim coalitions’ who portrayedtheir own vulnerability and partly described the injustice of climate change, and the ‘causercoalitions’ who foremost used neoliberal framings of the issue. During COP27, the divisionwas less obvious. Rights-based framings increased in prominence, but fragmentation withinthe coalitions was observed. The controversy did no longer seem to revolve aroundportraying vulnerability. Rather the division was split between the critical states demanding atransformative shift in the global climate regime, and the uncritical ones. The study indicatesthat alternative justice norms continue to break new grounds in the UNFCCC framework, butthe specific implications on politics are yet to be seen.

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The United Nations climate change conferences are the utmost platform for climate change negotiations and are convened under an international treaty known as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The causes of greenhouse gas emissions are deeply embedded in the economic and social activity on a global scale and yet, developing countries are expected to evolve into developed countries without straining the environment further. Knowledge of the interest of the participants at the COP is limited since no other research projects have measured it quantitively and at a large scale. This thesis aims to examine the professional interest in adaptation of delegates to the UNFCCC relative to other issue areas (mitigation and financing) and if there has been a shift in focus pre- and post-Paris Agreement. This thesis uses quantitative survey data gathered by The International Negotiations Survey (INS) together with two external indexes and data regarding CO2 emissions per capita for each country. While the chosen indexes to some extent overlap, they both contribute to the analysis by allowing to (1) measure the economic and social development of a country (HDI), (2) measure a country´s vulnerability to climate change (ND-GAIN). The results in this thesis show that there is a difference in interest among respondents that represent different HDI-categories. Results show that when comparing interest in adaptation to the external indexes, the more vulnerable a country is to the effects of climate change according to their ND-GAIN score the more interested their delegates are in adaptation. The results also indicate that respondents that represent countries that are most capable of addressing the effects of climate change show the least interest in doing so.

Leadership has been claimed to be a critical determinant of success and failure in international negotiations. This thesis brings together the study of leadership in multilateral negotiations with the emerging discipline of climate change-induced human mobility. This is done by investigating the prevalence of leadership in the climate change and human mobility nexus, looking at three different actors: the Alliance of Small Island States, Bangladesh and Norway. These actors were analyzed in two different ways: first, by describing how each actor exercise leadership using an analytical framework informed by leadership theories. Second, by investigating whether these actors seem to be recognized as leaders by others, conducting and analyzing a survey from the United Nations Climate Change Conference 2018, COP24. The results indicate that all three actors can be said to exercise leadership in the area of climate change-induced migration, although they exercise leadership in slightly different ways. Out of the three actors that were analyzed, AOSIS was the only actor that seemed to be recognized by others as a leader in the effort to address climate change-induced human mobility.

The formal access of transnational actors (TNA) to international organizations (IO) has increased steadily over the past five decades, and a growing body of literature is at the moment concerned with the theoretical and normative implications of these developments. However, very little is known as of yet about who the TNAs in global governance are, where they come from, which issue areas they focus on, and when and where they choose to participate. Using analytical tools from interest group theory, in particular a subfield called population ecology, this study describes and explains the chronological development of two populations of TNAs in global governance, namely the observer communities of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity. TNAs’ financial resources and their geographical proximity to global governance venues emerge as important factors influencing their capacity to participate, causing these TNA populations to be stratified and volatile.

This thesis analyzes EU international climate policy discourses around the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol, its entry‐into‐force and the COP15‐negotiations in Copenhagen. Using EU‐press releases and employing Hajer’s argumentative approach, the main focus lies on discursive shifts and self representation. The thesis finds considerable discursive shifts, including a changing role of science, global responsibility and the economy. Findings also include the self‐representation of the EU changing from an emerging to an established and powerful actor but with a sharp rupture after COP15.

The objective of this thesis is to analyze the process of the development of climate change regime within the context of international environmental politics. In this context, this thesis aims to scrutinize how principles, norms, rules and decision-making procedures concerning climate change regime have been created during the course of the climate change cooperation. To this end, having started with the explanation of the emergence of environmental issues as a topic of international politics, the thesis focuses on the general assessment of climate change in terms of science and environmental politics. Then, international climate change negotiations together with the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol that constitute the basis for climate change regime are studied in this thesis. Finally, the thesis will elaborate on the positions and policies of the key players in relation to climate change for the purpose of clarifying their roles in the formation of climate change regime. This thesis concludes cooperation on climate change constitutes an example of a regime established within the scope of international environmental politics.

Submitted by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2016-10-11T21:17:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Gomes, Guineverre Alvarez Machado de Melo.pdf: 3953783 bytes, checksum: d76854e8de457e6bc4fa77c78fe6a562 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2017-02-15T19:02:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Gomes, Guineverre Alvarez Machado de Melo.pdf: 3953783 bytes, checksum: d76854e8de457e6bc4fa77c78fe6a562 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-15T19:02:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gomes, Guineverre Alvarez Machado de Melo.pdf: 3953783 bytes, checksum: d76854e8de457e6bc4fa77c78fe6a562 (MD5) / O mecanismo de Redução de Emissões por Desmatamento e Degradação Florestal (REDD+) surgiu no cenário internacional como uma aposta em enfrentar as mudanças climáticas a partir do setor florestal, um dos importantes setores mundiais de geração de gases de efeito estufa. A lentidão das tomadas de decisão nas Nações Unidas (UNFCCC) fez com que o Mercado de Carbono Voluntário (MCV) se mostrasse como um ambiente mais célere e menos burocrático para desenvolvimento desse modelo. Foi também nesse espaço que outras modalidades de REDD+, além da prescrita na UNFCCC, encontraram espaço para crescer. Contudo, a aprovação das diretrizes internacionais para REDD+ pela UNFCCC em 2013 trouxe questionamentos sobre a harmonização desses dois ambientes, especialmente em países em que eles coexistem, como o Brasil. Isto posto, esta tese parte do seguinte problema de pesquisa: quais os principais desafios para a implementação do REDD+ no Brasil? Assim, objetiva-se, a partir da experiência brasileira, compreender as forças, fraquezas, ameaças e oportunidades para a implementação do REDD+no território nacional. Para tanto, foram definidos os elementos essenciais de REDD+ e empregada uma análise do tipo SWOT para verificar forças, fraquezas, ameaças e oportunidades de cada um dos elementos e de cada uma das modalidades de REDD+. Foram também realizadas pesquisas exploratórias, análise documental e entrevistas. Os resultados encontrados indicam como desafios do REDD+UNFCCC no Brasil posicionar-se sobre as iniciativas subnacionais de REDD+ e aprimorar e coordenar suas estruturas normativa, institucional e tecnológica. Para as atividades-projeto do Mercado de Carbono Voluntário, comprovar a idoneidade do modelo de certificação por terceiros, buscando alternativas para redução dos seus custos, e ampliar e consolidar o envolvimento do setor privado, a geração de cobenefícios e o cumprimento de salvaguardas. Por fim, para o programa jurisdicional brasileiro superar as incertezas sobre sua compatibilidade com o REDD+ nacional e melhorar o arcabouço normativo e institucional de nível subnacional no qual está inserido, para, assim, alcançar o reconhecimento nacional e internacional de seu modelo. / The Reducing Emission from Deforestation and Forest Degradation Mechanism(REDD+) emerged within the international scenario as a bet on tackling climate changethrough the forestry sector, one of the major global industries that generate greenhousegases. The slow pace of decision-making at the United Nations (UNFCCC) has provedthe Voluntary Carbon Market (VCM) to be a faster and less bureaucratic environment forthe development of such model. It was also in this area that other REDD+ arrangements,beside the one prescribed by the UNFCCC, found room to grow. However, the approvalof international guidelines for REDD+ by the UNFCCC in 2013 brought about questionsconcerning the harmonization of these two environments, especially in countries wherethey coexist, like Brazil. That said, this thesis is based on the following researchproblem: what are the main challenges for the implementation of REDD+ in Brazil? Thus,based on the Brazilian experience, the objective is to understand the strengths,weaknesses, threats and opportunities for the implementation of REDD+ in the country.Therefore, the essential elements of REDD+ have been defined and we used a SWOTanalysis to verify strengths, weaknesses, threats and opportunities of each of the elementsand of each REDD+ arrangement. We also held exploratory research, document analysisand interviews. The results indicate that the UNFCCC REDD+ challenges in Brazil arepositioning itself about subnational REDD+ initiatives and improving and coordinatingtheir regulatory, institutional and technological frameworks. As for the Voluntary CarbonMarket activity-project, the challenges are verifying the suitability of the certificationmodel by a third party, seeking alternatives to reduce its costs, and expanding andconsolidating the involvement of the private sector, the co-benefit generation and thecompliance of safeguards. Finally, the Brazilian legal program should overcome theuncertainties regarding its compatibility with the national REDD+ and improve theregulatory and institutional framework, at a sub-national level, in which it is inserted, inorder to achieve national and international recognition for its model.

The thesis aims on the policy-making in the EU with the focus on the climate change policy. The thesis analyses the way the climate change policy is decided within the EU and on the international level. It describes the legislative procedure and the development of international and European climate change policy - including the case study focusing on the process of negotiating the proposal on land use, land use change and forestry (LULUCF).