Les entités fédérées sont de plus en plus actives au-delà des frontières nationales. Leurs stratégies de projection internationale dépendent en partie du contexte institutionnel et de la dynamique fédérale dans laquelle ces entités fédérées s’inscrivent. Les cas du Québec, au Canada, et de la Wallonie, en Belgique, illustrent les différentes manières dont ces acteurs peuvent participer à la politique extérieure de leur fédération et développer leurs propres marges de manœuvre pour agir directement sur la scène internationale. Au Canada, la faible institutionnalisation des relations entre Ottawa et les provinces et le silence des textes constitutionnels sur le partage des responsabilités internationales ont laissé la mainmise au gouvernement fédéral sur la politique étrangère de la fédération. Dans ce contexte, le Québec a pu se tourner vers la paradiplomatie pour agir de manière autonome sur la scène internationale, en parallèle à Ottawa. En Belgique, au contraire, les responsabilités en matière de relations internationales ont été partagées entre le gouvernement fédéral et les entités fédérées au fil des réformes institutionnelles. Les communautés et les régions disposent d’une grande autonomie en vertu du principe « in foro interno, in foro externo » et sont intimement associées au développement de la politique étrangère belge. Ces éléments éclairent les stratégies contrastées de ces deux entités fédérées pour s’impliquer dans les discussions internationales sur le climat. Alors que le Québec a privilégié la paradiplomatie, la Wallonie a surtout choisi de s’impliquer dans la coordination intra-belge pour défendre ses intérêts via la voix de la Belgique. / Federated units are increasingly active beyond their national borders. The strategies they employ depends in part on the federal context and political dynamics of the Federation these units belong to. The cases of Quebec, Canada, and Wallonia, Belgium, offer a contrasted glimpse on how federated units can take part in the foreign policy of their federation and develop their own autonomous actions abroad. In Canada, the weak institutionalization of intergovernmental affairs and the gaps of the Canadian Constitution on the sharing of external policy responsibilities has effectively given Ottawa control of Canada’s foreign policy. In this context, Quebec has used paradiplomacy to develop its own actions abroad. In Belgium, by contrast, the responsibilities with regards to external affairs have been shared among the federal government and the federated units as the country moved from a unitary system to a federal organization. In accordance with the “in foro interno, in foro externo” principle, Belgian Communities and Regions enjoy a vast autonomy regarding external affairs and are deeply involved in the making of Belgium’s foreign policy. These elements help to understand the different strategies picked by Quebec and Wallonia to get involved in the international talks on climate change. Whereas Quebec primarily relied on paradiplomacy, the Walloons chose to focus on the Belgian internal cooperation to defend their interest through the voice of Belgium.

Abstract That greenhouse gas (GHG) emission causes ¡§Global Warming¡¨ is a human common problem today in the earth. The GHG emission will gradually promote our weather temperature and change which we must pay for a lot. For example, the warming temperature will dissolve icebergs, that it will elevate the sea level. Also, our land area will decrease. If climate zones were shifted, it would be possible to initiate some animals migrate. In the worse case, our living space will be squeezed and some special diseases will be spread out¡Ketc. In view of environmental protection awareness in every country, we must face the problem and crisis which comes from ¡§Global Warming¡¨ and ¡§Heating Pollution¡¨. In June of 1992, there was a meeting in Rio of Brazil. All representatives who comes from 153 different countries sign an agreement ¡V the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). They try to stabilize greenhouse gas concentrations at a level that would prevent dangerous interference with the climate and environmental system. To achieve this goal, the Kyoto Protocol was adopted on COP3 in December 1997 to place legally binding limits on GHG emissions. This Protocol norms 38 countries and European Union. In June 2007, the Group of Eight (G8) have reached a consensus and expect in year 2050, CO2 emissions can be reduced to the half of current emissions. We can see that, every country is vigorous to look for alternative energy that eliminates the environment destroyed and saves the earth resources. For example, Solar Energy, Water Energy, Wind Energy, Biomass Energy, Ocean Energy and Geothermal Energy¡Ketc. Those are gradually developed and applied in our daily life. My research is focus on the LED applications based on the substitution of traditional lighting. Actually, LED has all advantage of the energy saving, eco-lighting and economy of scale. How to use this alternative lighting is of great urgency and the major topic in light source manufacturers. For example, if America can replace their 55% white heat bulbs and 55% fluorescent lamps by LED before 2010, they can save 35 billion US dollars every year. For Japan, if they replace 100% white heat bulbs, they can save one to two of Nuclear Power Plants. Also, they can save above 100 million of gasoline every year. As to Taiwan official estimation, we can save 11 billion electricity degrees every year when we replace 25% white heat bulbs and 100% fluorescent lamps. That electric power is approximate to save one Nuclear Power Plant and 50 million of gasoline every year. According to the data above, the population of LED will give us a lot of eco-benefits. My report leans on researching and treating LED. Then, I take one step ahead to demonstrate how important it is to apply LED on our human light source and the effects of earth environment. Keywords: Greenhouse Gas (GHG) Global Warming United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) Kyoto Protocol Biomass Energy LED - Light Emitting Diode (display)

Climate change has recently arised in the international agenda as one of the top issues. The paper first provides with a theoretical comprehension of actorness in international relations. Second, the paper examines milestones of the historic development of the current climate regime. Third, the focus turns to the major actors which influence the climate change negotiations and examines their preferences, their evolution and pursuit on the international scene. It assumes politics is a two-level game and that political factors are not exclusive driving forces on the international scene. Finally, remarks on the future of climate regime are presented. The paper concludes by stating that actors differ in social identification with natural reality and that the shift in current environmental paradigm is rather unlikely.

Climate change is a critical threat to all the countries of the world today, not least because of the severe human rights infringements it may well lead to. However, although climate change is a collective, global challenge, there are considerable inequalities regarding contribution to cause and burden of the effects. Those suffering the most from the effects of climate change tend to be least responsible for the emissions causing it. The theoretical concept of climate justice aims to address these injustices, between different countries as well as societal groups and generations. To contribute to the understanding of how this concept is present in the global climate debate today, this thesis examines a selection of the Paris Agreement parties’ Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) from a perspective of climate justice. The analysis is based on a theoretical framework developed by Andrea Schapper, focusing on three dimensions of climate justice – international, intra-societal and intergenerational. Through this framework, a total of 36 NDCs are studied, the top and bottom three countries for each world region based on levels of cumulative CO2-emissions. The aim of the case selection has been to obtain a variation regarding development status, vulnerability to the effects of climate change, levels of greenhouse gas emissions and geographical location of the studied countries. The results of the study show that all the dimensions are present in at least some of the studied NDCs, but to a very different extent. Primarily, the parties discuss the issue of international justice. Intra-societal justice is touched upon quite frequently but very few bring up the matter of intergenerational justice. Moreover, all three dimensions are predominantly handled by countries classified as ”developing” (according to the UN statistics division).  This implies that climate justice is a higher priority for the most vulnerable to and least responsible for climate change, which is problematic for many reasons. Above all, it indicates that rich, industrialized countries are reluctant to take responsibility for their current and historical emissions, as well as the effect those emissions have on others.

The leader of the climate change regime is the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) which hosts the international climate change negotiations at the annual Conference of Parties (COP). In addition to official parties which represent nations in the UNFCCC, businesses and environmental groups are also playing a role in the negotiations as observers, which are grouped together in constituencies. This research will look at the two largest and original constituencies, the Business NGOs (BINGOs) and the Environmental NGOs (ENGOs) which represent business and environmental groups respectively. Both constituencies have a focal point for their members with the UNFCCC Secretariat, which for BINGOs is the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) and the Climate Action Network (CAN) for ENGOs. Specifically, this paper compares the ICC and CAN and finds similarities and differences between their functioning within the UNFCCC in regards to their ability to build coherent policies between their members and how transparent they are in their activities. It was predicted that businesses groups have a harder time working together and are less transparent than the environmental groups which the research indeed confirmed. A series of interviews with various actors in the climate negotiations...

本研究係透過聯合國氣候綱要公約在臺灣的實踐為個案研究來就環境政策形成過程為政治經濟分析。首先，先就環境問題的原因與特徵及國際環境意識形成的政治經濟因素為介紹。為了個案研究，也檢視了國際環境法在全球暖化議題的發展來了解國際的發展方向，再就臺灣的國內環境政策與國際環境政策為了解以提供本研究的背景資料。透過深度訪談來就組織、法令及政策來探討聯合國氣候綱要公約在臺灣的實踐。本研究發現，組織的設計仍有部分限制，相關法令尚未全面的檢視，政策則缺乏一上位的指導綱領。由於政治及經濟因素均對環境政策的發展扮演著重要的角色，臺灣未來有關全球暖化政策的發展取決於執政黨的決心與執行力。 / This study explores the political economy behind the environmental policy making process through a case study of Taiwan’s practice of the UNFCCC. First, this study analyzes the reasons and characteristics of environmental problems, as well as the political economy of the formation of international environment awareness. For the case study, the development of international environment law toward global warming is reviewed to clarify international trends in dealing with this problem. Next, the author analyzes two aspects of Taiwan’s environmental policy: domestic environmental policy and international environmental policy in the past fifty years to give background information of Taiwan’s global warming policy. Then, through in-depth interviews, an examination of organization, legislation, and policy aspects of the UNFCCC practice in Taiwan is conducted to understand how the policy implements. The conclusions are as followed: (1) Institution settings for Taiwan’s global warming policies still have some limitations and need to be reviewed. (2) Although some GHG reduction regulations have already been sent to the Legislative Yuan to be reviewed, the government has yet to carry out overwhelming legal evaluation in all aspects to address the climate change issues. (3) Policy lacks superior guidelines laying out the direction for whole country to follow and implement. After all, political and economic factors both play influential roles in the development of environmental policy. Taiwan’s future action regarding global warming still depends on the determination and executive ability of the new ruling party.

A partir dos conceitos de regime internacional e de governança global, busca-se compreender a influência dos governos subnacionais no âmbito das negociações multilaterais intergovernamentais, no que diz respeito à efetividade do regime internacional da mudança climática. O indicador de influência foi desenvolvido levando em consideração a criação e implementação das agendas políticas domésticas. Dessa forma, destacam-se as grandes cidades como atores subnacionais públicos, reunidas nas Redes de Cidades líderes contra as mudanças climáticas, entre elas a Rede C40. A transformação de atores públicos locais em agentes de mudança no âmbito transnacional, por meio da constituição de uma rede, abre novas perspectivas teóricas para a discussão acerca do papel de atores subnacionais nas Relações Internacionais, o que deve repercutir sobre o debate a respeito das abordagens teóricas nas subáreas de regimes e de governança global. / Following the conceptual framework of global governance and international regimes, we tried to demonstrate the relevance of subnational governments towards the conclusion of the international negotiations and the effectiveness of the international regime on climate change. This influence can be measured by their role in the domestic agenda setting, in the decision-making process and in the implementation of public policies, as well as in the increase in cooperation agreements with non-state actors. The Climate Leadership Group, the C40 network, gathering the largest cities in the world, have become an important international player, transforming itself into a new transnational actor in the Climate Change arena, which is going to have a influence on scholars of international regimes and global governance.

No description available.

No description available.

A partir dos conceitos de regime internacional e de governança global, busca-se compreender a influência dos governos subnacionais no âmbito das negociações multilaterais intergovernamentais, no que diz respeito à efetividade do regime internacional da mudança climática. O indicador de influência foi desenvolvido levando em consideração a criação e implementação das agendas políticas domésticas. Dessa forma, destacam-se as grandes cidades como atores subnacionais públicos, reunidas nas Redes de Cidades líderes contra as mudanças climáticas, entre elas a Rede C40. A transformação de atores públicos locais em agentes de mudança no âmbito transnacional, por meio da constituição de uma rede, abre novas perspectivas teóricas para a discussão acerca do papel de atores subnacionais nas Relações Internacionais, o que deve repercutir sobre o debate a respeito das abordagens teóricas nas subáreas de regimes e de governança global. / Following the conceptual framework of global governance and international regimes, we tried to demonstrate the relevance of subnational governments towards the conclusion of the international negotiations and the effectiveness of the international regime on climate change. This influence can be measured by their role in the domestic agenda setting, in the decision-making process and in the implementation of public policies, as well as in the increase in cooperation agreements with non-state actors. The Climate Leadership Group, the C40 network, gathering the largest cities in the world, have become an important international player, transforming itself into a new transnational actor in the Climate Change arena, which is going to have a influence on scholars of international regimes and global governance.