In contemporary society, public discourse about abortion remains substantially controversial. Although the U.S. abortion debate remains in the public eye, there has been little to no attention focused on race. This project interrogates the role of race and racial identity in the abortion debate through. To investigate the existence of race in contemporary U.S. abortion rhetoric, I utilize a three-part conceptual framework as my rhetorical method. I examine TRF billboard campaign, paying particular attention to its employment of collective memory. Moreover, I examine how the campaign uses African American collective memories to create and sustain an argument concerning Black abortion. I conclude that racialized abortion rhetoric demands scholarly attention because it extends the boundaries of conversations about abortion. Furthermore, I contend that anti-Black abortion rhetoric increases our understanding of how communication and racial/ethnic identities mutually develop.

Orientador: Antônio Roberto Esteves / Banca: Cleide Antonia Rapucci / Banca: Maria de Fátima A. de Oliveira Marcari / Banca: Maria Dolores Aybar Ramírez / Banca: Jacicarla Souza da Silva / Resumo: A trilogia de romances da escritora catalã Montserrat Roig (1946-1991) composta por Ramona, adéu (1972), El temps de les cireres (1978) e L'hora violeta (1980) (traduzidos para o espanhol como Ramona, adiós, Tiempo de cerezas e La hora violeta) pode ser compreendida como a representação de seu projeto literário, colocando em evidência sua visão sobre o papel da literatura e a importância do registro e preservação da memória. Considera-se que tais obras, que concentram suas narrativas no período que compreende o final do século XIX até os primeiros anos da transição espanhola, recuperam memórias coletivas (HALBWACHS, 1990) relacionadas a esses anos da história barcelonesa, dando visibilidade a um passado silenciado durante a ditadura e voz a grupos marginalizados, em especial as mulheres. A trilogia integra, assim, junto a um passado que havia sido emudecido, a história das mulheres, reivindicada a partir dos movimentos feministas como forma de empoderamento. Da mesma forma que a recuperação do passado permite que o povo reconheça sua própria história e se veja nela, a escrita da história das mulheres permite reconhecer a sua participação histórica, revelando protagonismos e promovendo o auto-conhecimento. Às manifestações da memória inscritas nas obras, soma-se a memória literária (SAMOYAUT, 2008), representada a partir da intertextualidade que compõe os romances... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The Catalan writer Montserrat Roig's trilogy composed by Ramona adéu (1972), El temps de les cireres (1978) and L'hora violeta (1980) (translated into Spanish as Ramona, adiós, Tiempo de cerezas and La hora violeta) can be understood as the representation of her literary project in order to highlight her vision about the role of the literature and the importance of the record and preservation of the memory. These literary works, which focus their narratives in the period that comprehends the end of the 19th century until the first years of the Spanish transition, recover collective memory (HALBWACHS, 1990) related to these years of the Barcelona's history, providing visibility to a silenced past during the dictatorship and giving voice to marginalized groups, especially the women. The trilogy integrates, thus, with a silenced past, the history of women claimed from the feminist movement as a form of empowerment. In the same way that the recovery of the past allows people to recognize their own history and see themselves in it, the writing of the women's history allows to recognize their participation in history, which reveals protagonism and promotes self-knowledge. To the manifestations of memory registered in the work is added the literary memory (SAMOYAUT, 2008) represented from the intertextuality that compounds the novels. The trilogy also discloses a process of construction which is inserted in the historiographical metafiction definition (HUTCHEON, 1991), a process of history view from the literature, which provides the self-reflection about the past and the literary work itself. Moreover, Roig inserts in the novels self-fictional elements, which evidences the literary elaboration process and the writer relation with her production. In this way, it is intended to evince that the trilogy is formed by... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

Master of Arts / Department of History / Bonnie Lynn-Sherow / At the conclusion of the first decade of the twentieth century, 60 percent of high school graduates were women. They were also the first generation of young women to be labeled as “adolescents” by psychologists. By 1950, the word “teenager” had not only been coined; it was part of everyday vernacular. Historians now recognize that adolescence — as a common set of ideas about how young people behave and interact with society — is a cultural construction that has changed over time. Using a combination of scholarly literature on the subject as well as primary sources to demonstrate and interpret the interplay between the exterior forces that shaped the cultural construction of adolescence and the interior forces that shaped young women's identities, this report addresses both how a collective memory of female adolescent identity arose and how individual memory operated in the context of this collective identity. Applying theories of collective memory to the individual diaries of six young women who came of age between 1870 and 1940, this analysis represents a departure from the traditional use of diaries in historical scholarship and provides a fresh approach to the analysis of collective memory.

abstract: In speeches, declarations, journals, and convention proceedings, mid-nineteenth-century American woman's rights activists exhorted one another to action as equal heirs of the rights and burdens associated with independence and chided men for failing to live up to the founders' ideals and examples. They likened themselves to oppressed colonists and compared legislators to King George, yet also criticized the patriot fathers for excluding women from civic equality. This dissertation analyzes these invocations of collective memories of the nation's founding, described as Revolutionary heritage rhetoric, in publicly circulated texts produced by woman's rights associations from 1848 to 1890. This organization-driven approach de-centers the rhetoric of the early movement as the intellectual products of a few remarkable women, instead exploring movement rhetoric across the first generation through myriad voices: female and male; native- and foreign-born; those who spoke extemporaneously at conventions along with well-known organizers. Tracing the use of Revolutionary heritage rhetoric over a fifty-year span reveals that activists’ invocations of the founding were inseparably connected to their willingness to work for racial and class equality along with woman's rights. References to the Revolution and such slogans as “no taxation without representation” could be inclusive or exclusionary, depending upon how they were used and who used them. In the opening decades of the organized woman’s rights movement, claims to a shared Revolutionary heritage reflected larger commitments to racial, class, and gender equality. As organizations within the movement fractured around competing ideas about how to best improve women's lives, activists’ rhetoric changed as well. When the commitment to universal equality gave way to ideologies of race, class, and nativity privilege, references to the founding era morphed into justifications for limited, rather than equal rights. Revolutionary heritage rhetoric largely disappeared from suffrage, education, and pay equity arguments by the late 1880s, replaced by arguments grounded in white, Protestant, female moral superiority. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation History 2016

Orientadora: Silvana Fernandes Lopes / Banca: Angélica Lovatto / Banca: Henrique Tahan Novaes / Resumo: Esta dissertação tem como objetivo apresentar e analisar a História e Memória da ADUNESP, primeira associação docente criada após o golpe de 1964. Fundada em junho de 1976, seis meses após a unificação dos Institutos Isolados de Ensino Superior (IIES) transformados em universidade, a ADUNESP configurou-se como um movimento de resistência às medidas autoritárias tomadas na gestão universitária da UNESP, assim como contra o regime ditatorial brasileiro. A pesquisa teve como recorte histórico os anos entre 1976 e 1985, ou seja, desde sua fundação até o início do processo de abertura política brasileira. A partir da consciência de classe dos docentes, o sindicato reivindicou melhorias nas condições de trabalho, no salário e buscou espaço para a participação na gestão da universidade, lutando pela democracia, contrariando a ordem vigente. Também se mobilizou e participou de processos políticos que estiveram ligados à resistência contra a ditadura brasileira, constituindo-se como sujeito político coletivo. Para tanto, esta escrita pauta-se em processos históricos: o contexto externo engloba a polarização mundial entre capitalismo e socialismo real e suas consequências na América Latina, como os golpes militares; o contexto interno engloba o campo político e educacional, e a história da ADUNESP - fundação e organização, somados à história do sindicalismo docente, por meio de jornais, panfletos, fontes bibliográficas, e algumas entrevistas com personalidades que fizeram parte da ADUN... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The aim of this project is to present and analyze the History and Memory of ADUNESP, the first labor union created after the 1964 coup d'état in Brazil. Founded in July 1976, six months after the unification of the Institutos Isolados de Educação Superior (Isolated Institutes for Higher Education) transformed into university, ADUNESP became a resistance to the authoritarian measures taken at UNESP's management, as well as to the Brazilian dictatorial regimen. The research focused on the period of 1976-1985, that is, from the coup d'état to the beginning of the country's re-democratization. Based on the professor's class consciousness, the labor union called for better working conditions and better wages as well as more faculty influence in the university management, fighting for democracy and going against that time's establishment. It also mobilized forces and took part on political processes related to the resistance to the dictatorial regimen in Brazil, becoming a collective political subject. This dissertation is based on historical processes: the international context brings the world polarization between capitalism and real socialism and its consequences to Latin America such as military coup d'états; domestically, it covers the fields of politics and education, and the history of ADUNESP - it's founding and organization connected to faculty unionism through magazines, leaflets, bibliographical references and interviews with personalities who were part of ADUNESP's staf... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

nÃo hà / A religiÃo, como forma de conhecer e organizar as coisas do mundo, surgiu na condiÃÃo de questÃo para a Antropologia e tem acompanhado seus desenvolvimento desde seus primÃrdios como ciÃncia. Tomado como fato social total, a anÃlise do campo religioso possibilita vislumbrar as mais variadas esferas da vida social, tais como: economia, polÃtica, estÃtica, relaÃÃes de parentesco... Proponho aqui um estudo de caso de um terreiro de Umbanda localizado no bairro do Pirambu, em Fortaleza. A partir das narrativas - rituais e pessoais - acompanho as geraÃÃes de um grupo que nÃo permanece o mesmo ao longo do tempo. Ritualisticamente, alguns elementos entram; outros (jà sem uso) saem; outros ainda sÃo ressignificados, porÃm sem uma mudanÃa radical da estrutura de culto. Admitindose que toda religiÃo à um rearranjo de crenÃas preexistentes, a Umbanda somente se utiliza destas interritualidades para reafirmar sua condiÃÃo desde o surgimento: uma religiÃo flexÃvel e em constante construÃÃo. / The religion, like a form of. To know about and to organize the things of the world, appeared as question for the Anthropology and it has folloied its development since its beginning as science. Like a fact social total, the analysis of the religious field makes possible to glimpse the most varied spheres of the social life, such as: economy, politics, aesthetic, blood relationsâ I consider here a study of case of a place of fetichism of Umbanda located in the quarter of the Pirambu, Fortaleza. From the narratives - ritual and personal - Iâve folloied the generations of a group that does not remain the same throughout the time. Some elements enter; others (already without use) leave; others still are remeaning, however without a radical change of the cult structure. Admitting itself that all religion is a rearrangement of preexisting beliefs, the Umbanda is only used of these interrituals to reaffirm its condition since the sprouting: a flexible religion and in constant construction.

This thesis explores the legacy of the Herero-Nama genocide that occurred in 1904 to 1908 by examining the descendant’s narrative in contrast to the preeminent state narrative. I investigate both these narratives from the emic perspective of the Herero people in Namibia, who today are a minority group. By following the narrative, I discover the fundamental emplotments and multidimensionality in the genocide narrative imperative which are tribal democracy, nationhood and ancestral land. My informants imply that the genocide is a neglected and buried memory in contemporary Namibia, and I apply theoretical concepts such as Werbner’s immediate memory and anti-memory, but also Trouillot’s notion of silencing to understand in what way the state narrative is being amplified by the ruling government, subsequently silencing the genocide. At the same time, I also want to see how the genocide narrative is being maintained in a milieu of silencing forces. The genocide is still a sensitive topic among the descendants who feel that the dignity of their ancestors has been tarnished throughout the 20th century. In Herero religion ancestor spirits hold an utterly pivotal role as mediators between the living and god.

Masters of Art / At a lecture presented in London on June 5, 1994, Jacques Derrida discussed the complexities of the meaning of the archive. He described the duality in meaning of the word archive-in terms of temporality and spatiality-as a place of "commencement" and as the place "where men and gods command" or the ''place from which order is given". As the place of commencement, "there where things commence" the archive is more ambivalent. It houses, what could best be described as 'traces" of particular objects of the past in the form of documents. These documents were produced in the past and are subjective constructions with their own histories of negotiations and contestations. As such, the archive represents the end of instability, or the outcome of negotiations and contestations over knowledge. Yet as sources of evidence the archive also represents the moment of ending instability, of creating stasis and the fixing of meaning and knowledge.

Something is happening to our cultural heritage. The longer time gose by, the faster the clock of preservation of the future of cultural buildings is ticking. Just like any old building, there comes a time when renovation is a must. Renovation is seen as something positive, but what happens when you mix the concept of renovation with words like cultural heritage? For all lod buildings specifically, and even som for an historic, suddenly it can become unacceptable. In ths study, the renovation and modernization of cultural heritage will be put to the test. Is change together with modernization something negative or is it the new way to go, not only to preserve cultural heritage and its historical impact on society but also preservation ot for future generations? This study has its focus on Fredrikskyrkan in the city of Karlskrona. This church went through a dramatic renovation and modernization between 2016-2018 and is now a multifunctional church where not only chourch activities are held. The reason why this particular church has been used in this study is because the altar and pews were chosen to be removed and large dramatic changes made people in general disagree with the new look. Through the course of the study, we will delve into how the modernization was motivated and how it has affected Fredrikskyrkan as a cultural heritage object, based on interview, data material, submitted texts from newspapers together with previous research focusing on, modernization and church cultural heritage Together with theories such as collective memories and the meaning of authenticity, the study will try to answer the question: What the motives were for the renovation and whether modernization and restoration can be linked to notions of preservation and modernization. The conclution shows that a balance that must exist between cultural heritage and new thinking of modernization. In connection with the renovation of Fredrikskyrkan, the concept of authenticity and collective memories was put to the test.

In considering the Israel-Palestine conflict, focus has remained on conventional major issues: borders, settlements, Jerusalem, Palestinian refugee rights and water. Should there be one binational state, or two states for two peoples? Yet this is a conflict that is sustained by factors more profound than the dispute over limited resources or competing nationalisms. The parties’ narratives, continually rehearsed, speak of a cataclysmic event or chain of events, a collective trauma, which has created such deep suffering and disruption that the rehearsers remain ‘frozen’ amid the overarching context of political violence. This study offers a critical analysis of the concept of collective trauma together with the role of commemorative practices, including core contemporary canonical days of memory, and asks to what extent they may hinder progress in the resolution of an intractable conflict, such as the Israel/Palestine conflict. Without addressing the powerful traumatic current that underpins a chronic conflict, no amount of top-down formal peace-making is likely to be sustainable.