The goal of this thesis was to validate journalist Rick Perlstein’s assertion in Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America (2008) that the foundational dialectic of the 1960s “has not yet ended.” With Nixon as the principal cultural architect of modern American political discourse, Perlstein defined Nixonland as “the America where two separate and irreconcilable sets of apocalyptic fears coexist in the minds of two separate and irreconcilable groups of Americans.” Perlstein’s grand narrative for the inherited socio-political landscape of the 1960s has conceptually synthesized the nature of the “culture wars” of the 1960s based on Nixon’s imposed hegemonic framework for political discourse through the theatre of television. The central argument of this thesis is shaped by the dialogue in the historiography in that Richard Nixon and Barack Obama appear to be “bookend presidents” of the limits of the modern American kulturkampf- the ongoing conflict between religious and secular elements in American society. While Nixon confined political discourse within the hegemonic framework of the images and rhetoric of modern American conservatism imbibed in the 1960s, Obama expanded the limits of political discourse through the motives and motifs of New Left rationalism established in the 1960s. Within this interpretative framework, this thesis illustrates the foundational dynamic of campaigning and governance within modern American political discourse by demonstrating how presidential elections are structured according to the Republican style of conservative “populist aggression” against the liberal Democratic substance of “fairness issues.”

The goal of this thesis was to validate journalist Rick Perlstein’s assertion in Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America (2008) that the foundational dialectic of the 1960s “has not yet ended.” With Nixon as the principal cultural architect of modern American political discourse, Perlstein defined Nixonland as “the America where two separate and irreconcilable sets of apocalyptic fears coexist in the minds of two separate and irreconcilable groups of Americans.” Perlstein’s grand narrative for the inherited socio-political landscape of the 1960s has conceptually synthesized the nature of the “culture wars” of the 1960s based on Nixon’s imposed hegemonic framework for political discourse through the theatre of television. The central argument of this thesis is shaped by the dialogue in the historiography in that Richard Nixon and Barack Obama appear to be “bookend presidents” of the limits of the modern American kulturkampf- the ongoing conflict between religious and secular elements in American society. While Nixon confined political discourse within the hegemonic framework of the images and rhetoric of modern American conservatism imbibed in the 1960s, Obama expanded the limits of political discourse through the motives and motifs of New Left rationalism established in the 1960s. Within this interpretative framework, this thesis illustrates the foundational dynamic of campaigning and governance within modern American political discourse by demonstrating how presidential elections are structured according to the Republican style of conservative “populist aggression” against the liberal Democratic substance of “fairness issues.”

None

Since Isaiah Berlin employed his now classic notion of value pluralism for the justification of liberalism, the correlation between the two ideas has long been presumed in the field of political theory during the second half of the twentieth century. However, this Berlinian assertion has aroused a significant amount of criticism in the past ten years. Many supporters of value pluralism argue that due to its ¡§incommensurability¡¨ presupposition, value pluralism not only cannot serve as the foundation of liberalism, it will also endanger the universal status of the latter, and hence produce irresolvable theoretical inconsistency. Instead of using value pluralism to justify liberalism, some theorists are convinced that different types of political projects can be induced from value pluralism. On the other hand, liberals who endorse value pluralism also try to fill the lacunae between Berlinian pluralism and liberalist doctrine. The purpose of this thesis is to summarize the scope of theoretical differences among value pluralists, explore the controversies surrounding value pluralism, and examine different political projects preferred by various value pluralists. Throughout the essay, the following questions will be answered: What are the theoretical implications of value pluralism? Does it contradict with liberalist doctrine? If not, what account of liberalism does it approve of? In short, this thesis tries to map out the theoretical development of value pluralism since Isaiah Berlin.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2003. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 390-404). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 2001. Graduate Programme in English. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 230-245). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ66355.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2003. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 390-404). Also available on the Internet.

Recent decades have seen substantial changes in the U.S. political landscape. One particularly significant development has been the growing influence of a conservative coalition encompassing evangelical Christianity, interventionist foreign policy and neoliberal reform. This study explores the force and internal dynamics of this political assemblage. Based on fieldwork among conservative voters, volunteers and candidates in a small city in northwestern Ohio during a midterm election year, it probes the energy of conservative politics, its modes of attachment and influence, and the organizational forms through which it circulates. Contemporary conservative politics are shown to be centered on a particular epistemological intuition: that to be able to act, one must believe in something. This intuition implies an actively affirmative stance toward “beliefs” and “values.” The study also addresses methodological and analytical challenges that conservative politics pose for anthropological inquiry. It develops a “conversational” analytical attitude, arguing that in order to understand the lasting influence conservatism one has to take seriously the problems that it is oriented toward.

This study investigates the macroeconomic consequences of firm-level accounting conservatism. Consistent with conditional conservatism extending to the aggregate level, I demonstrate that annual estimates of aggregate corporate profits and gross domestic product from 1929 to 2007 compiled by the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis are more sensitive to negative aggregate cash flow news than to positive aggregate cash flow news. Next, I estimate the dollar value impact of firm-level accounting conservatism on measurements of macroeconomic fundamentals. Finally, I show that the federal funds rate set by the U.S. Federal Reserve tends to be lower when the dollar value impact of firm-level accounting conservatism on gross domestic product measurements is larger. These results suggest that accounting can impact social welfare by altering the measurement attributes of key macroeconomic indicators and shaping monetary policy decisions which regulate the money supply and alter macroeconomic growth. / text

The ongoing harmonization process aims to incorporate IFRS regulations into the Swedish accounting. As a consequence investment property’s starting from 2005 may be valued using the fair value method, in accordance to IAS 40. This involves major changes for listed property enterprises that from now on can value a large extent of their assets to fair value. All parties don’t appreciate this progress, opponents to fair value have expressed great concern that fair value don’t work in practice. They claim that fair value measurement is too subjective and unreliable, and that it will malfunction during periods of financial turmoil. Further they claim that it is not suitable with the European accounting tradition, consisting of a high degree of conservatism and prudence. This thesis aims to examine the accuracy of fair value measurement in the case of Swedish investment property firms. This is done by identifying realized value changes in the corporate annual reports, which will indicate how well the estimated value is consistent with the realized exit price of the property. The findings of this thesis indicate that there exist an average deviation of 11,6 percent between the book value and the realized exit price. Further this study finds no evidence that the financial turmoil in 2008 complicates the use of fair value in any significant way. However, the study provides a clear indication that conservatism and prudence still influence Swedish accounting. This given that 94 percent of the book values were lower then the realized exit price.