This dissertation aims to evaluate the philosophy of Jürgen Habermas with reference to the arguments it provides for a theory of radical social democratic politics. Habermas is a German philosopher and social theorist whose broad concern is the defence and elaboration of the 'project of modernity'. This means that he wishes to justify modern, developed societies as viable and worthwhile forms of civilization. He attempts to specify and redeem the claim that these societies represent, potentially, the most advanced and rational way of organizing human life. Habermas is committed, among the various political programs which raise this kind of claim and seek to realize it in practice, to a form of radical social democracy. This tradition of theory and practice pursues the task of human emancipation by means of fundamental reforms to the social, cultural, economic and political institutions of contemporary modern societies. Habermas' work can be understood as one of the most systematic contributions to this tradition. The central question guiding the dissertation concerns the theoretical and political adequacy of this contribution. The dissertation establishes two general criteria for evaluating Habermas' work. The first criterion requires identifying the normative foundations of social democratic politics. It is argued that a 'theory of the rational' is needed to satisfy this. Such a theory must demonstrate that the social structures and political institutions of the modern epoch represent an hitherto unprecedented opportunity for the expression of the human capacity for rationality. The exposition of normative grounds for social democratic politics determines the basis for social criticism and political struggle. A theory of the rational, in other words, informs us of why we are struggling. Nonetheless, such a theory, on its own, cannot provide guidance about how to struggle. The second criterion of evaluation relates to this question of 'how', of what theoretical direction can be given to political practice. The dissertation contends, in this regard, that a 'theory of the irrational' is necessary. It is argued that a theory of the irrational offers a framework for orienting social movements in struggles against those obstacles which stand in the way of a further expansion of rationality. Such a theory seeks to understand the irrationality of human life in an effort to recommend political strategies that can intervene prudently in the current state of affairs. It is maintained that a satisfactory construction of both theories is essential for an adequate comprehension of radical social democratic politics. The dissertation pursues this argument by clarifying the nature of three dimensions of 'critique' within Habermas' oeuvre. Conceptions of critique represent methodological frameworks for formulating theories of the rational and the irrational. Habermas deploys these methods of critique throughout his work. It is argued, however, that his application of critique focuses primarily on providing a theory of the rational. The central thesis is that while he offers the rudiments of a theory of the irrational, this theory is underdeveloped. Since this theory addresses the question of how social movements are to struggle, it is argued that Habermas' approach lacks a practical dimension. The dissertation concludes that his contribution in this regard needs to be elaborated more consistently and in more detail. The dissertation represents an internal analysis of Habermas' work. It seeks to ascertain whether his theory achieves the philosophical and political goals required by the tradition of thought to which it belongs. The dissertation contributes to the critical literature on Habermas' writings in three substantial ways. First, it establishes a framework for understanding how the separate elements of his theory fit together. The identification of general criteria with respect to which a theory of social democracy is to be evaluated means that the political purposes of these various elements can be understood more clearly. The tensions between them can also be illustrated. Second, with the help of this framework, the dissertation expands upon and sharpens longstanding criticisms of Habermas' thinking which have pointed to a missing practical dimension. Third, the dissertation identifies theoretical resources, elaborated by Habermas himself, which it is argued can be used to overcome these problems of impracticality. With this, the dissertation also contributes, in a more indirect way, to the current debate about the meaning of and possibilities for social democratic politics.

This thesis is an exploration of the condition of critical debate in contemporary liberal democracies that is based upon a combined reading of the works of Hannah Arendt and Jurgen Habermas. It begins with an elaboration of the position that Arendt and Habermas identify a similar malaise as afflicting modern liberal democracies, which is argued to result from a shared perception that such democracies fail to create a forum for critical public engagement. The argument that their democratic theories are highly complementary is further developed through an examination of their solutions to this critical failure, for these solutions reflect a sharing of important premises concerning the nature of power and freedom on the parts of Habermas and Arendt. A complementary reading of Arendt and Habermas also allows for a synthesis of their theories that results in a highly coherent picture of the form and processes of an ideal democratic forum. This synthesis of Habermas and Arendt, however, also suggests (or, at least, allows for the theorising of) the emergence of a new genus of political actor who is unlikely to engage in such a forum – a genus hereafter referred to as homo spectaculorum. This thesis, therefore, makes three related claims. The first, and most important, is that it is possible to read Arendt and Habermas together as highly compatible democratic theorists and that their analysis of contemporary political conditions presents a single position from which to view the critical failings of liberal democracies. The second claim is that synthesising Arendt’s and Habermas’s democratic theories enables the theorising of an ideal public space, along with the emergence of homo spectaculorum. The third, and final, claim made in this thesis is that the same conditions that lead to the emergence of homo spectaculorum can be understood to undermine the emancipatory potential otherwise proffered through critical public spaces.

Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 129-134). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

This study examined the forces that affect the influence relationship between leaders and followers in a public sector organisational setting. The study is motivated by the ambition of presenting a critical perspective of the social influence process referred to as leadership. The forces were explored by studying leaders and followers engaged in their normal work context. A variation of a critical ethnographic methodology after Alvesson and Sköldberg (2005) was utilised in order to identify and explain how the dynamics impacted upon the leader follower relationship. An extended period of fieldwork was conducted within a large unitary local government authority (referred to through out the study as the ABC), during which observations and informal interviews with observed constituents were conducted and documentary evidence collected. Subsequently, an interpretive reflection of selected materials was undertaken in order to inform a critical perspective of the dynamics uncovered and the impact they had on the relationship between leaders and followers.These dynamics are shown to be predominantly external to the leader follower dyad. The dynamics of ambiguity, environment, resources, symbiosis, politics and "playing the game" impact on the relationship to create an influence relationship distinct from that detailed in normative models of leadership. The organisation comprises high levels of ambiguity; not least in the roles individuals play as leaders and followers. The transactional basis of the relationship with central government informs the basis of relationships between leaders and followers but in doing so also constricts the possibilities for leadership within the organisation. The environment is therefore an influential dynamic in leader follower relationships. Leaders and followers use the availability, acquisition and utilisation of resources to negotiate the position of their leadership and followership. Leaders are aware that they need followers as a resource and followers need leaders as they control access to resources. The relationship takes the form of a complex social symbiosis in which both component parts support each other. The relationship has a political bias. The use of politics underpins the independence of followers who are capable of acting in ways that can frustrate leaders. Finally, the two constituent parts of the relationship are engaged in playing a game, the rules of which are not explicitly stated, but can involve behaviour deemed to be illegitimate or non-sanctioned. The normative position of followers as a largely homogenous group, docile and subject to the influences of leaders is shown to be unsubstantiated. This study concludes that followers have the capacity to act under their own agency toward their own goals and aspirations; and highlights the use of political behaviour to discredit leadership as an asymmetrical influence relationship. This study concludes by asserting that political behaviour corresponds to leadership and subsequently achieves its emancipatory intent.

M.Ed. / Despite the substantial body of Educational Information and Communication Technology (ICT) research there is very little evidence that the theoretical frameworks that underpin research studies have been considered, or applied optimally. The central argument of this dissertation is that theoretical frameworks serve as epistemological guides that account for the knowledge that is produced in a study. The purpose of this inquiry is to explore how theoretical frameworks are evident in selected masters dissertations and doctoral theses at selected South African universities. A blended theoretical framework, situated in interpretivist theory, with an element of critical theory and positivist theory frames this study. A review of components of research dissertations required both quantified and qualitative data. A mixed methods approach was used to conduct a methodological inventory - cum survey review of 103 texts. A research template was devised in order to record and analyse the data that would be isolated in a reading of the texts, with specific reference to the sections of texts that showed the use of terms related to theoretical frameworks. The findings reveal that studies that were theoretically developed yielded data that could be interpreted in more depth, while a substantial majority of authors that employed their theoretical frameworks in a very limited way, presented findings that were no more than descriptive in nature. I conclude that the reason for the theoretically impoverished studies is possibly, more broadly speaking, located in the wider South African socio-economic, political and localised context. South African Higher Education Institutions face pressures of having to produce masters and doctoral studies in order to secure funding, while supervisors face pressures of having to publish to secure promotion and employability. In the process, students are not given enough opportunity for theoretical emancipation.

The standard method for presenting information in the military and political establishments of the US government is through the projection of data in bullet-style and/or graphical formats onto an illuminated screen, using some sort of first analogue, or now, digital media. Since the late 1990s, the most common and expected form of presentation is via the most commonly pre-installed software of presentation genre: Microsoft PowerPoint. This style of presentation has become the norm of communication, and in doing so, has replaced other methods of discursive and presentation. The art of the brief and in particular, the art of the PowerPoint has become a new standard of what was once group communication through oratory. This paper will attempt to show that PowerPoint slide-ware has reduced communication to mere presentation, negatively influencing the decision-making and critical thinking processes of individuals and organizations, particularly within the military and government. This is accomplished through the visual reception of the briefings themselves, where and when the theatrical nature of the presentation takes precedence over the content. And, in fact, this dramatic twist determines which ideas gain acceptance among audiences. This simple style of presentation is becoming indicative of a visual and leadership style of our era. This is the effect of a PowerPoint method of leadership, now de rigueur in the military and demonstrated by the current president and administration. The style of PowerPoint, both at the micro-level in particular presentations, and the macro-level, as demonstrated by people and organizations, ultimately works today as a form of control and discipline. And, in the end, it can become a convenient vehicle for furtherance of a specific ideology and propaganda campaigns. / Master of Arts

No description available.

Orientador: Ari Fernando Maia / Banca: Angelo Antonio Abrantes / Banca: Fernando Bastos / Resumo: O presente trabalho visa um estudo sobre as novas tecnologias em sala de aula. Essa questão vem sendo amplamente discutida principalmente no campo educacional, já que os aparatos tecnológicos têm adentrado cada vez mais em nossas escolas, pautados em um discurso pedagógico muitas vezes enviesado. Trazemos em nosso trabalho a relação que o professor tem para com a lousa digital como objeto de estudo. A princípio, iniciamos nossos estudos utilizando as reflexões que Marcuse traz sobre técnica e tecnologia, perpassamos outros autores como Flusser e Feenberg, que trazem reflexões importantíssimas sobre as novas tecnologias. No decorrer do trabalho analisamos nove artigos que falassem especificamente sobre lousas digitais presentes na sala de aula e que falassem sobre outros aparatos tecnológicos como o computador e o tablet. Para essa análise, fundamentamo-nos nas quatro categorias sobre tecnologia apresentadas por Feenberg (instrumentalismo, substantivismo, determinismo e teoria crítica), uma vez que a hipótese é de que elas sejam fundamentais para este fim. Objetivamos identificar as características da literatura sobre lousa digital em relação à inserção de tecnologias digitais na educação, tendo como referencial teórico a crítica da tecnologia realizada pela Teoria Crítica da Sociedade. Com a finalização do trabalho identificamos a restrição de uma perspectiva teórica. E isso deve-se ao fato de termos poucas produções no campo da teoria crítica que falem especificamente sobre ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This paper aims a study about new technologies in the classroom. This issue has been widely discussed mainly in the educational field, as the technological apparatuses have entered more and more in the schools, based on an often skewed pedagogical discourse. We bring in our work the relation that the teacher has to the digital slate as object of study. At first we started our studies using the reflections that Marcuse brings about technique and technology, we pass other authors like Flusser and Feenberg that bring important reflections on the new technologies. In the course of the study we analyzed nine articles that specifically talked about digital slates present in the classroom and that talked about other technological devices like the computer and the tablet. For this analysis, we are based ourselves on the four categories of technology presented by Feenberg (instrumentalism, substantivism, determinism and critical theory), since the hypothesis is that they are fundamental for this purpose. We aim to identify the characteristics of the literature on digital slate in relation to the insertion of digital technologies in education, having as theoretical reference the criticism of technology carried out by the Critical Theory of Society. With the completion of the work, we identify the restriction of a theoretical perspective. And this is due to the fact that we have few productions in the field of critical theory that speak specifically about the digital blackboard in the classroom. Therefore the need to reflect on the importance of having a critical theory of technology, especially in the educational field, where increasingly these devices are gaining strength. / Mestre

This dissertation examines the limits of the figure of democracy as a critical category in contemporary political philosophy. I frame the analysis around a structural tension in the work of several authors who rely on democracy as a theoretical foundation, which I call “the elitist-populist ambivalence.” This theoretical tendency regards democracy as a categorical imperative—a foundational normative principle and an end in itself—but simultaneously delimits the composition of the demos by disqualifying certain political actors from the status of the political, thereby violating the parameters of a categorical imperative by specifying conditions. In other words, the democratic turn appeals to formal concepts but decides the political content in advance. It advocates democracy on its own terms, democracy in spite of the demos. But if democracy has normative purchase only under certain conditions, then our critical political theory must be based on these conditions rather than the figure of democracy. The project focuses on three main bodies of literature: the work of Hannah Arendt, the tradition of radical democracy (exemplified by Jacques Rancière, Chantal Mouffe, and Ernesto Laclau), and early Frankfurt School critical theory (Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse). Though Arendt betrays no particular attachment to the term “democracy,” her work is of interest to this project because it represents a stark expression of the elitist-populist ambivalence: a political ontology based on democratic iconography and a simultaneous delimitation of who should count as the demos. The discussion of Rancière, Mouffe, and Laclau explores the ways in which these figures reproduce not only Arendt’s democratic motifs but also her constitutive exclusion. Albeit with divergent political commitments, they both appeal to democracy in spite of the demos. Finally, Adorno and Marcuse provide an alternative to the categorical imperative of democracy. By critically confronting the social mediations of pervasive popular ignorance and irrationality, the early Frankfurt School displaces the normative force of the figure of democracy by a critique of the actually existing demos. This critique, I argue, allows us to steer a theoretical course between the perils of elitism and the equivocations of populism.

Some three decades ago, post-positivists working in International Relations rejected the positivist separation of the knowing subject and the object known. In doing so, they established a new ‘critical’ paradigm in which truth has been understood primarily in terms of social and political practices and norms rather than the Archimedean detachment of the scientist. This new paradigm is typically thought to have brought a new theoretical pluralism to IR. However, focusing on the work of Critical Theorists and poststructuralists, this thesis shows that the work of post-positivist IR scholars has in fact been defined by responses to a specific set of questions which emerge from the ‘socialisation’ of truth. It demonstrates, moreover, that both Critical IR Theorists and poststructuralists have addressed these questions by understanding truth as a matter of intersubjective epistemic practices and idealisations about the conditions in which they take place. This ‘epistemic’ understanding of truth is the source of significant problems for Critical Theorists and poststructuralists in IR, especially in their accounts of political practice and proposals for international political transformation. The thesis considers whether the work of Critical Realists in IR, who have advocated the scientific pursuit of objective truth, might offer a solution. However, whilst they rightly reintroduce the subject-object relationship to critical IR, Critical Realists lapse into a scientism as a result of which they reject legitimate post-positivist claims about the inherent normativity and practicality of truth. The thesis introduces Theodor Adorno’s materialist theory of truth as a way of combining post-positivists’ normative concerns with the realists’ emphasis on the subject-object relationship. On this view, truth is a matter of the relationship between subjectivity and objectivity because it is matter of the needs and practices of partly objective human subjects. It is, therefore, both objective and normative.