The thesis evaluates the significance of sport's contribution to the end of apartheid by locating sport in a network of international relations. Sports diplomacy is identified as a relatively low-cost, low-risk but high profile tool of diplomatic policy. It is argued that the profile of sport in South Africa made the apartheid system particularly susceptible to sports based protest. The study makes a case for a degree of theoretical fusion to provide an appropriate context within which to analyse the unique nature of the Anti-Apartheid campaign. As an international issue, the politics of the Anti-Apartheid movement are substantially encapsulated within a pluralist framework. It is acknowledged that to rely totally on such a framework would risk failing to capture the multi-layered nature of the conflict over apartheid. An adapted version of hegemony sport theory is therefore used to conceptualise the South African social formation and the practice of sport therein. In the absence of quantitative measures, two measures of significance are proposed. First, the capacity of sports based protest to influence the policies of international sports organisations and international bodies such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth. Second, the ability of sport to prompt responses from the government and in doing so, for sport to act as a prototype for more politically significant measures that paved the way for the transformation to democracy. Attention is paid to the processes through which sport became a globally visible feature of the Anti-Apartheid movement. It is argued that the global profile of sport contributed to a more coherent understanding of apartheid policies and in tum prompted policy actors to penalise (white) South Africa in the form of international isolation from sport. The research for the thesis has been conducted part-time since February 1994. It necessitated a research visit to South Mrica in the summer of 1997, and involved primary and secondary data collection, and elite interviewing in both South Mrica and the United Kingdom. Unpublished data sources in Pretoria and Cape Town, and South African newspapers have been used extensively. It is concluded that domestic sports protest highlighted the injustices of apartheid to the international community and contributed to establishing a non-racial ideology that is the foundation of democratic South Africa. International sports sanctions, in the form of the sports boycott of South Mrica, provided a form of cultural diplomacy to state and non-state actors alike that fulfilled an important symbolic function and served to maintain the profile of the Anti-Apartheid campaign as an important global social movement. The accelerated readmission of South Mrica to international sport was an example that sports sanctions were also designed to promote change in addition to their punitive intent.

While the European-owned information technology multinationals, as represented in the IT Roundtable, exerted a preponderant influence on the development, approval and implementation of ESPRIT in the early and mid-1980s; by the early 1990s, they appeared unable to translate their policy preferences into policy outcomes.' This thesis seeks to establish whether or not these companies lost some of their influence over the European Community and, if so, why. It argues that the IT Roundtable members' corporate diplomacy was less effective in the late 1980s and early 1990s than it was in the early and mid-1980s, for the following three reasons. First, the effectiveness of the IT Roundtable as a channel of political activity was undermined by its declining representativeness, following the structural changes taking place in the industry; by its lack of internal coherence caused by the diverging interests of its members; and by the perception that the Roundtable was suitable for articulating preferences in the area of R&TD but inappropriate for voicing broader preferences on industrial policy. Second, doubts about the necessity of an indigenous IT capability depreciated the perceived value of the asset which conferred political weight on the Roundtable companies: their capability to supply economically and militarily strategic technologies and products. While the realization of short-term economic objectives became more important - even amongst those governments paying lip-service to the necessity of an indigenous IT capability - public investments into the Roundtable companies, ridden by crisis, were not perceived as yielding "value for money", particularly in terms of employment and social and economic cohesion. Third, the EC's ability to realize the IT Roundtable's policy preferences was hampered by the lack of consensus amongst the national governments; the latter's insistence on subsidiarity, national solutions and juste retour; their resistance to spending money, and the fragmentation of the EC's decision-making structure. The EC's ability to supply the policies requested was further hampered by the increasingly globalized nature of the IT industry, and the EC's limited economic leverage over Japan and the US in international negotiations on IT.

Throughout early-modern history, France and Britain had been enemies on opposite sides of the so-called Second Hundred Years’ War. Nevertheless, during the Revolutionary and the Napoleonic Wars (1793-1815), Britain became a haven for almost 40,000 French emigrants, and by 1814 France’s restored monarchy no longer viewed Britain as the enemy. The émigrés’ experience in Britain, its impact on long-term diplomatic ties between the two countries, and its wider repercussions for European history is the focus of my research. Did émigré diplomats knowingly follow a policy intended to foster a lasting alliance with Britain? Scholars who view the émigrés as politically impotent ignore the powerful impact French presence had on Britain’s elite. Even as early as 1793, the émigrés’ plight was an asset used by the British government in its negotiations with other European powers. My thesis will answer the aforementioned question by exploring a neglected aspect of the French experience in Great Britain: the émigrés’ social and political interactions with the British public and government and how this may have affected Franco-British diplomacy during the nineteenth century. / Graduate / 0335 / 0582 / sguenett@uvic.ca

The diplomatic season was a development of the period after 189 which was unparallelled led but explicable in the context to Rome's new hegemony. It reflects the constitutional role ascribed to the consuls by Polybius, which could only be fulfilled early in the consular year; but there was sufficient flexibility to allow numerous exceptions. It belongs to an annual cycle, artificial in diplomacy but which suited Rome's administrative requirements. Embassies approached a senior magistrate who allocated a senatorial audience and public hospitality. The magistrates thus had power over the order and timing of audiences which could be manipulated for purposes of etiquette or expediency. Abuse of this power and the scope for corruption were limited by the Lex Gabinia, probably of Ciceronian date. Only limited hospitality was provided. The official audience is ignored in some evidence which concentrates on pre-audience unofficial activity which became standard procedure. The motlf of bribery is often associated with this. Because of their influence over senatorial decisions the consulares figured prominently in such activity, but privately connected patroni and hospites played an important part and were thus cultivated by states and dynasts. Senators could interrupt and question ambassadors but this did not facilitate negotiation. The character of the audience as a simple exchange of statements was determined by certain "democratic" features of ancient diplomacy: openness, which suited Rome's purposes and made possible "collective audiences" (these helped the organisation of diplomatic activity and underlined the senate's arbitral role); and restricted ambassadorial competence which was hardly modified in the new conditions. Interpretation of ambassadorial speeches was required for dignity rather than intelligibility. The impression created at an audience might influence the senate; but Polybius often overstates the importance of ambassadors' speeches, since other factors influencing the senate's decisions (unofficial activity and the dependence on senatorial experts) could render the audience proceedings irrelevant.

This thesis examines certain of the ways in which Americans perceived the German Empire between 1888 and 1917. A background is provided by considering the influence of America's relationship with Great Britain on perceptions of Germany and by examining official relations between the United States and Germany, in which context the views of Germany expressed by American diplomats are discussed. The ways in which Americans looked at Kaiser Wilhelm II, at German Socialism, at the German cities (with particular regard to the works of Frederic C. Howe), and at social reforms in Germany (especially as they influenced, or were interpreted by, American Progressives), are considered and related to American conditions. The picture of Germany in American literature of the period is examined, particularly Mark Twain's relationship with the country. In these ways the essential ambivalence of American views of Germany at this time is exposed, the country being both admired and feared.

No description available.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Heidelberg, 2006/07. / Includes bibliographical references and sources (p. [481]-560).

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 1990. / Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald ; Winterford, David. "December 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on March 30, 2010. DTIC Identifier(s): Germany, Wwestern Security (Internatinal), German Unification, Diplomacy, Statecraft, NATO, Theses. Author(s) subject terms: German unification, West German foreign and security policy, Federal Republic of Germany foreign security policy, Central European security, European security, Germany, German-European relations, "Two plus four" diplomacy, NATO, NATO strategy, U.S.-German relations, U.S. strategy in Europe. Includes bibliographical references (p. 186-192). Also available in print.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1963. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010. / Thesis Advisor(s): Miller, Alice L.; Second Reader: Clement, Victoria. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Mongolian security, Chinese Communist Party, the People's Liberation Army, modernization, implication, multilateral policy, third neighbors, bilateral relations, balancing. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-110). Also available in print.