This research is an attempt to introduce and operationalize a new concept of proxy diplomacy by exploring how some nations, in this fast changing world, are evolving some effective ways of enhancing their interests and foreign policy objectives in areas in which they do not have vital interests, but which are worth intervening in. To do this, the researcher established Angola as the theater of the practice of proxy diplomacy, and the United States, the Soviet Union, South Africa and Cuba as actors. It is further established that the United States and the Soviet Union actually practice proxy diplomacy by deputizing South Africa and Cuba, respectively, to enhance their interests in Angola.

Esta investigación cuantitativa exploratoria indagó en el campo de la paradiplomacia, a partir de la Teoría del Constructivismo Social, el fenómeno de la Nueva Diplomacia Pública, y en particular el uso de las plataformas de medios sociales para la política exterior de las subregiones nacionales. Este trabajo investigó sobre el uso que le dan a Twitter los actores subnacionales de Quebec y Cataluña para la promoción internacional de su causa independentista y/o de su marca país. Se tomaron como muestra los contenidos publicados en cuentas de los gobiernos centrales de Quebec y de Cataluña, de sus personeros de gobierno, de las delegaciones en el extranjero, y de los delegados que las dirigen –todos vinculados a la Relaciones Internacionales de cada caso- en dos periodos del año 2013, utilizando el software Brandwatch. La metodología del análisis se basó en distintos aspectos abordados por Landman (2008), Hernández Sampieri (2014) y Dahnke (1986) en el diseño de investigación, mientras que se empleó la técnica de análisis de contenido según Abela (2001), Krippendorff (2004) y Neuendorf (2002). En conclusión, los datos demuestran que Quebec realiza proporcionalmente más mensajes de Marca país, mientras Cataluña prioriza la promoción de su Paradiplomacia. / This exploratory quantitative research investigated in the field of para-diplomacy, from the Theory of Social Constructivism, the phenomenon of the New Public Diplomacy, and in particular the use of social media platforms in the foreign policy of the States. This work investigated how the sub-national actors of Quebec and Catalonia use Twitter for the international promotion of their independence cause and/or their nation branding. Two periods of the year 2013 were analyzed using the software Brandwatch to obtain the samples. The methodology was based in different aspects addressed by Landman (2008), Hernández Sampieri (2014), and Dahnke (1986) for the research design, while the content analysis technique was designed under Abela’s (2001), Krippendorff’s (2004), and Neuendorf’s (2002) ideas. In conclusion, data shows that Quebec makes proportionally more messages related to Nation Branding while Catalonia prioritizes the promotion of its para-diplomacy.

Master of Arts - International Relations / This research attempts to examine and explain the failure of UN diplomacy that was applied in Iraq from 1991 post-Gulf War to 2003. In order to achieve this, UN diplomatic instruments that included diplomatic negotiations, UN Resolutions, sanctions, and weapons inspections have been rigorously analysed within the context of ascertaining their diplomatic effectiveness. The report specifically focuses on the impact that was made by the diplomatic tools in an effort to peacefully disarm Iraq of weapons of mass destruction. In addition, the report explores factors that undermined the use of the diplomatic instruments. A number of factors have been responsible for the failure of the UN diplomacy in Iraq. They include, among others, a structural problem in form of an enforcement mechanism in the UN Security Council Resolutions; lack of complementarity in the use of the diplomatic instruments, and implemented at an earlier phase of the disarmament crisis; use of the UN by some of its key members to pursue their interests; flaws in the overall US/UN policy toward Iraq; deeply entrenched hostilities between Iraq and the West especially US and Britain; the approach within which sanctions were modelled discouraged key diplomatic dialogue and negotiation; and the nature of the UN of being an association of sovereign countries largely limited diplomatic efforts to resolve the disarmament crisis. Thus, the report reveals factors ranging from the ineffectiveness of the UN diplomatic instruments to the flaws in the external influence- that is, the policy of the UN and some of its key members to have failed the UN diplomacy in Iraq.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / Belgian-American relations, established primarily but not exlusively for commercial purposes, experienced a critical period in the initial years 1830-1846, when both nations were coping with the beginnings of industrialization. Many reciprocal economic needs and interests did not immediately result in a commercial agreement; commercial negotiations were one major recurring source of conflict. Other basic reasons for the diplomatic difficu l ties which the two nations encountered were the inexperience of Belgian diplomacy, the non-recognition by the United States of the "balance of power" politics of the Old World, and a common inability to comprehend each other's traditions, expectations, and international obligations. Three major disputes led to extreme tensions. Disagreements over a commercial treaty and its provisions, Belgian and American designs in the Republic of Texas, and American claims for indemnification for property lost in the Antwerp bombardment of 1830 were the significant irritants. The basis for accommodation was a mutual acceptance of peaceful diplomatic methods to solve issues, a liberal trade treaty, and Belgian-American interest in establishing a New York to Antwerp steamship line. [TRUNCATED] / 2031-01-01

This article analyzes practices in Brazil´s Ministry of External Relations (MRE) in order to understand the decision making process for foreign policy of the Lula administration (2003-2010) through the lens of practices. More specifically, it seeks to understand if purported operational changes in the ministry during that time have had a concrete effect on foreign policy or are symptomatic of priorities within the administration. The research finds that despite sweeping social change promised during the campaign, the ministry´s structure remained stable even as it expanded - even favoring the use of presidential diplomacy in order to expedite proceedings - but that regular bureaucratic processes were circumvented by the most senior officials in dealing with sensitive topics with a tacit division of tasks. The article concludes by suggesting that diplomatic practices were not significantly changed during the Lula period but that the relative clout of rank and file diplomat has diminished. Procedural negotiations such as trade agreements have mostly escaped the change in the decision-making process because they were not picked up by Itamaraty´s hands-on leadership. / Esse artigo analisa as práticas do Ministério das Relações Exteriores do Brasil (MRE), buscando entender melhor o processo decisório da política externa dos governos Lula (2003-2010) pelas práticas. Especificamente, trata-se de avaliar se supostas mudanças operacionais no ministério durante este período tiveram um efeito concreto sobre a politica externa ou são sintomáticos de prioridades para o governo. O trabalho considera que a despeito de grandes mudanças sociais prometidas durante a campanha, a estrutura do ministério permaneceu estável incluso durante sua expansão - até favorecendo o uso de diplomacia presidencial a fim de acelerar os processos - mas que os processos burocráticos regulares foram evitados pelo mais alto escalão quando se tratava de temas sensíveis, com uma divisão de tarefas tácita. O artigo conclui por sugerindo que as práticas diplomáticas não foram modificadas profundamente no período Lula. Porem, a importância relativa dos diplomatas comuns diminuiu. Negociações técnicas, como acordos comerciais, escaparam em parte dessa mudança de processo decisório porque não foram retomadas pela liderança, muito ativa, do Itamaraty.

Tous les présidents américains depuis Lyndon Johnson sont devenus profondément impliqués dans la diplomatie entourant le conflit israélo-arabe,car si les Etats-Unis jouent son rôle de médiateur habile, peut également contribuer à la résolution du différend entre Israël et ses voisins arabes.Compte tenu de la complexité du défi, la politique américaine a montré une remarquable constance et succès surprenants. L’Égypte et Israël sont en paix avec l'autre et sont à la fois ami proche des Etats-Unis.Plus récemment, d'autres partis arabes ont commencé à négocier avec Israël sous égide américaine. L'un des points sur lesquels les présidents des deux partis politiques ont convenu, c'est que d'un rôle américain en faveur de la paix israélo-arabe est compatible avec les intérêts nationaux américains.Nous fournissons une étude détaillée de la politique américaine à l'égard du conflit israélo-arabe de la crise qui a abouti à la guerre de Juin 1967 jusqu'à la signature du traité de paix en 1979 à Camp DavidElle évalue l'approche initiale de chaque administration pour le problème de la paix, ainsi que l'évolution de la politique comme il a affronté les réalités tenaces de la région et les champs de mines de la controverse politique intérieure. / All US presidents since Lyndon Johnson became deeply involved in the diplomacy surrounding the Arab-Israeli conflict.In view of the complexity of the challenge, US policy has shown remarkable consistency and surprising success. Egypt and Israel are at peace with each other and are both close friends of the United States.More recently, other Arab parties began to negotiate with Israel under US auspices. One of the points on which the presidents of both political parties agreed was that of an American role for the Arab-Israeli peace is consistent with US national interests.We provide a detailed study of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict from the June 1967 war to the peace treaty of Camp David in 1979 .It assesses the initial approach of each administration to the problem of peace, and the evolution of politics as it faced the tough realities of the region and the minefield of domestic political controversy.Suggérer une modification

This dissertation explores informal means of convening various foreign policy professionals in conflict resolution discussions, taking two quite different case studies: the Pugwash Conferences, a long-standing transnational non-governmental organization; and the Ottawa Dialogue, a more recent suite of projects. Although conventionally viewed through the rubric of ‘Track Two’, this thesis instead tackles the subject of unofficial diplomacy through a conceptual framework derived from critical and sociological work in International Relations theory. By taking a practice-based approach, the research reveals that what is actually done in the spaces of unofficial diplomacy not only has a diplomatic purpose at root but in fact can be seen to reproduce a diplomatic logic in how certain tasks are performed. The dissertation shows the intrinsic liminality of these informal, unofficial activities to the corridors of power and policymaking and, in this way, helps elaborate how the emergent landscape of diplomacy is impacted by various actors and changing practices. To understand why such processes appear around international conflict, the thesis calls attention to investigating how they are used by those who participate. The approach brings into focus the constitution of professional social networks that emerge in spaces left out of limelight, where various experts contest, debate, and refract policy knowledge. Through the eyes of these non-traditional actors, the thesis problematizes diplomacy as a solely state-based authority, insisting that we must look to the close imbrication of government representatives in putatively non-state activities to understand their contribution to global governance. Developed through an immersion and engagement of ten years with the very people who do the work, this project brings together several theoretical and methodological perspectives to make sense of a complex data-set and bridge a number of disciplinary gaps.

This thesis, the first study of Nevile Henderson to be completed at doctoral level in the UK, takes a fresh look at Henderson's controversial role in Berlin between 1937 and 1939. It begins by re-examining Henderson's controversial appointment to the Berlin Embassy, and contends that a close study of his earlier career (especially in Belgrade between 1929 and 1935) help to explain those aspects of his behaviour that gave rise to criticism. After close analysis of published and unpublished Foreign Office documents, the thesis challenges the traditional view that Henderson favoured the Anschluss and the dismemberment of Czechoslovakia in 1938. It also re-examines the charge that he undermined British policy by making indiscreet remarks in Germany, and argues that his scepticism about the anti-Nazi opposition was fully justified. And that he did, to a degree, carry out his 'warning' function in Berlin. Another key aspect concerns the extent to which Henderson's line in Berlin had support in the Foreign Office, and the re-consideration of his pivotal relationships with Chamberlain and Halifax. Particular attention is paid to the decision to send Henderson (by then a seriously ill man) back to Berlin in February 1939. The author's overall view is that, given Henderson's flawed analysis of the Nazi regime, a totally revisionist analysis of his time in Berlin would be untenable. The main conclusions are (a) that Henderson's influence on British policy has been exaggerated and (b) that he has been unfairly treated by historians. This thesis seeks to redress the historical balance by presenting the first close analysis, and rounded account, of what Henderson called the 'failure of a mission'.

This thesis explores the British government’s approach to international negotiations concerning nuclear weapons during Harold Wilson’s first two terms of office (1964-1970). It focuses on three distinct but interrelated strands of British nuclear diplomacy: ‘hardware solutions’, the sharing of nuclear weapons between states in the form of a multilateral force; ‘software solutions’, non-physical measures of cooperation, such as consultative and planning arrangements, between alliance members; and a global non-proliferation treaty. In looking at how and why these interrelated policies evolved, this thesis considers party, domestic and international influences on decision-making within the government. It pays particular attention to political and economic events, building on existing diplomatic and strategic accounts of the period.

This final thesis aims to clarify the part of diplomacy, which is most visible to the public eye and that is cultural diplomacy, namely the French model. It explains its current institutional structure, financing, the objectives and the means to achieve them. Its form changes very often, because every new government tries to reform it and adapt it to current priorities. For this reason, describing current trends and institutional directionit is a part of the work. Based on analysis of historical context and current practice, I try to point out a long tradition of leadership of French culture in Europe. Also, I seek the answer to the question why the French cultural diplomacy is so successful today.