The present study compared three commonly used cognitive screeners: the Test of Cognitive Skills – Second Edition (TCS-2), the Kaufman Brief Intelligence Test (K-BIT), the Wide Range Achievement Test – Third editions (WRAT3) and the impact of marijuana use on these screeners in a population of juvenile delinquents. One hundred records (67 males and 33 females) were selected from archival data at the Allen County Juvenile Center. Results from this study found, that as predicted, individuals who tested positive for marijuana performed significantly worse on all subtests of the TCS-2, on the Verbal and Composite Score of the K-BIT, and the Spelling subtest of the WRAT3 than individuals who tested negative for marijuana use. The results of this study support the notion that marijuana can impair cognitive abilities in a group of adolescents. / Department of Psychological Science

The purpose of the study was to gather and analyze data concerning the implementation of drug education programs in fourteen selected Indiana senior high schools. The study focused on several aspects of the drug education programs including the description of the type of program; the determination of need for the program; school policies related to student drug abusers; in-service training programs for teachers; school-community drug programs; evaluation techniques; and the role of the high school principal in planning, implementing, and evaluating drug education programs.

Australian and international literature provides strong evidence that intravenous use of psychostimulants increases the harms experienced by users, including heightening the risk of blood-borne virus (BBV) infection. The few Australian studies that include women who inject psychostimulants identify street-based sex work as the main method of income generation and highlight the harms that result from combining these practices. However, there has been little exploration into the way these practices are shaped by the environments in which they occur or the ways in which women manage these harms. This thesis aims to provide an in-depth exploration of the daily lives of women who inject psychostimulants and engage in street-based sex work in Kings Cross, Sydney. Over 18 months between 2005 and 2007, the author conducted ethnographic fieldwork with women who injected psychostimulants and engaged in street-based sex work in Kings Cross, Sydney. Data sources included observations recorded as fieldnotes and transcripts of in-depth interviews with 12 women. Thematic analysis of the data was employed with particular attention to the women???s shared narratives. Key findings of the thesis were that 1) the Kings Cross environment plays a prominent role in shaping the lives of women, their psychostimulant injecting and street-based sex work practices; 2) psychostimulant injecting reinforces the opportunistic nature of street-based sex work as the primary method of income generating for women, restricting the development of occupational norms; 3) synergies exist between the drug and sex markets in Kings Cross, increasing the harms associated with both injecting and street-based sex work practices; 4) public health messages relating to sharing of injecting equipment and condom use fail to account for contextually driven decision-making and risk prioritising; 5) women develop lay epidemiological understandings as they attempt to reconcile the public health messages with the lived reality. The value of these findings is in the insights they provide into the everyday lives of these women in Kings Cross that have not been documented previously and their potential for informing ???bottom-up??? rather than ???top down??? approaches to future policy, practice and research.

Does Nimbin have a drug problem? This tiny village in north-eastern NSW has an international reputation for its alternative community and its street drug market. Ever since the Aquarius Festival thirty years ago Nimbin has fascinated the media, and recurrent headlines about the village's (undefined) 'drug problem' suggested my research topic. My research aim was to investigate the meaning/s of Nimbin's 'drug problem' in the context of Nimbin's 'alternative' culture. Because the topic of illicit drugs is both ethically challenging and highly sensitive, my research design was strongly participant-focused, with an emphasis on confidentiality balanced by a mixed methodology to cross-validate results. My methods included an anonymous household (door-to-door) survey based on a national household survey; an anonymous mailed-back survey of Nimbin and Lismore drug injectors; taped interviews with health and legal professionals, cannabis activists and drug dealers; semi-structured interviews with 'professional' cannabis crop growers; and participant observation over several years. I found the multi-method research design to be particularly effective for investigating illegal drug marketing and use, and the design provided me with multiple perspectives on a complex issue. Superficially, there appeared to be two drug 'problems' in Nimbin — one was the (largely cannabis) street market, and the other revolved around heroin users, and included complaints about scruffy-looking people hanging around the main street, or overdosing in the public toilet. However, my research suggested that these issues, while immediately comprehensible as 'drug problems', obscured more complex issues. For example, the village's street drug market was intertwined with the local economy and with the alternative community's values and drug use, while close to half of the drug injectors lacked secure housing (which creates problems that are not related to heroin), and all heroin users were blamed for the actions of few. Many factors influence the creation and maintenance of what we might call 'problems', and drugs are frequently blamed for broader social problems. What is Nimbin’s drug problem? The answer depends, in part, on the drug of interest, but more importantly it depends on your definition of a ‘problem’. Some useful and meaningful perspectives on this important social issue include quantified indicators such as death, injury, arrest rates, the economics of black markets, the demographics of drug use, and estimates of ‘social costs’. Qualitative perspectives include people’s opinions about drugs, media-generated moral panics, the effects of social marginalisation, and the role of drug cultures. A number of ‘drug problems’ arise as a direct result of drug illegality. They include black markets, corruption, drug-related violence, theft, stronger forms of the drug, and more dangerous using practices (with the risk drug overdoses and HIV/AIDS), as well as public nuisance issues. Government policy, judicial sentencing and public opinion are moving towards the social reintegration of illicit drug users, but this is almost invariably counter-balanced by a toughening of legal sanctions against supply of the same drug. Most discussions about illicit drugs fail to consider the long-term implications of harsh penalties for, and elaborate and punitive police operations (such as occurred throughout my Nimbin research) against, small-scale independent growers and dealers. The only way to directly engage with drug markets and all the attendant problems, is to legitimise and regulate the supply of recreational drugs. I discuss several examples of the important role of the drug culture in mitigating problems caused by illegality. One example is the influence of Nimbin's alternative community on the style of the drug market. The village drug scene more closely resembles the many north coast village craft markets, than it does Kings Cross, Cabramatta or New York's Bronx. Buyers are north coast locals, along with national and international tourists (the small village is known to cannabis users world-wide, both through media attention and word-of-mouth). Nimbin offers a 'safe' village market ambience and competitive prices to a mainly cannabis using clientele. I suggest that there are two major underlying influences on the experience of a ‘drug problem’, regardless of the drug or the place. They are: 1. Political influences — specifically the effects of government policy on black markets, law enforcement practices, and access to services and resources; 2. Cultural influences — particularly the beneficial effects of norms and functional role models for the safe use of a drug, cultural effects on the drug market, and the role/s of the drug in the day-to-day life of the culture. These influences can operate with, or despite, each other, and can create or ameliorate many ‘drug problems’. In the case of Nimbin’s alternative culture, government policy has created a number of drug problems and the counter-culture has worked to minimise them. In my research into Nimbin’s ‘drug problem’ I have clarified some issues and raised a number of others. I have examined the notion of a ‘drug problem’ from several perspectives using a range of research tools, and discussed some key influences on the problem associated with drug use. Drawing from the Nimbin research and my reading, I suggest legalising the recreational drugs to bring them under the dual controls of supply legislation and social norms. In conclusion, I suggest that we need to be very clear about what ‘drug problem’ it is that we are talking about, and indeed, whether the problem is really about drugs at all.

Does Nimbin have a drug problem? This tiny village in north-eastern NSW has an international reputation for its alternative community and its street drug market. Ever since the Aquarius Festival thirty years ago Nimbin has fascinated the media, and recurrent headlines about the village's (undefined) 'drug problem' suggested my research topic. My research aim was to investigate the meaning/s of Nimbin's 'drug problem' in the context of Nimbin's 'alternative' culture. Because the topic of illicit drugs is both ethically challenging and highly sensitive, my research design was strongly participant-focused, with an emphasis on confidentiality balanced by a mixed methodology to cross-validate results. My methods included an anonymous household (door-to-door) survey based on a national household survey; an anonymous mailed-back survey of Nimbin and Lismore drug injectors; taped interviews with health and legal professionals, cannabis activists and drug dealers; semi-structured interviews with 'professional' cannabis crop growers; and participant observation over several years. I found the multi-method research design to be particularly effective for investigating illegal drug marketing and use, and the design provided me with multiple perspectives on a complex issue. Superficially, there appeared to be two drug 'problems' in Nimbin — one was the (largely cannabis) street market, and the other revolved around heroin users, and included complaints about scruffy-looking people hanging around the main street, or overdosing in the public toilet. However, my research suggested that these issues, while immediately comprehensible as 'drug problems', obscured more complex issues. For example, the village's street drug market was intertwined with the local economy and with the alternative community's values and drug use, while close to half of the drug injectors lacked secure housing (which creates problems that are not related to heroin), and all heroin users were blamed for the actions of few. Many factors influence the creation and maintenance of what we might call 'problems', and drugs are frequently blamed for broader social problems. What is Nimbin’s drug problem? The answer depends, in part, on the drug of interest, but more importantly it depends on your definition of a ‘problem’. Some useful and meaningful perspectives on this important social issue include quantified indicators such as death, injury, arrest rates, the economics of black markets, the demographics of drug use, and estimates of ‘social costs’. Qualitative perspectives include people’s opinions about drugs, media-generated moral panics, the effects of social marginalisation, and the role of drug cultures. A number of ‘drug problems’ arise as a direct result of drug illegality. They include black markets, corruption, drug-related violence, theft, stronger forms of the drug, and more dangerous using practices (with the risk drug overdoses and HIV/AIDS), as well as public nuisance issues. Government policy, judicial sentencing and public opinion are moving towards the social reintegration of illicit drug users, but this is almost invariably counter-balanced by a toughening of legal sanctions against supply of the same drug. Most discussions about illicit drugs fail to consider the long-term implications of harsh penalties for, and elaborate and punitive police operations (such as occurred throughout my Nimbin research) against, small-scale independent growers and dealers. The only way to directly engage with drug markets and all the attendant problems, is to legitimise and regulate the supply of recreational drugs. I discuss several examples of the important role of the drug culture in mitigating problems caused by illegality. One example is the influence of Nimbin's alternative community on the style of the drug market. The village drug scene more closely resembles the many north coast village craft markets, than it does Kings Cross, Cabramatta or New York's Bronx. Buyers are north coast locals, along with national and international tourists (the small village is known to cannabis users world-wide, both through media attention and word-of-mouth). Nimbin offers a 'safe' village market ambience and competitive prices to a mainly cannabis using clientele. I suggest that there are two major underlying influences on the experience of a ‘drug problem’, regardless of the drug or the place. They are: 1. Political influences — specifically the effects of government policy on black markets, law enforcement practices, and access to services and resources; 2. Cultural influences — particularly the beneficial effects of norms and functional role models for the safe use of a drug, cultural effects on the drug market, and the role/s of the drug in the day-to-day life of the culture. These influences can operate with, or despite, each other, and can create or ameliorate many ‘drug problems’. In the case of Nimbin’s alternative culture, government policy has created a number of drug problems and the counter-culture has worked to minimise them. In my research into Nimbin’s ‘drug problem’ I have clarified some issues and raised a number of others. I have examined the notion of a ‘drug problem’ from several perspectives using a range of research tools, and discussed some key influences on the problem associated with drug use. Drawing from the Nimbin research and my reading, I suggest legalising the recreational drugs to bring them under the dual controls of supply legislation and social norms. In conclusion, I suggest that we need to be very clear about what ‘drug problem’ it is that we are talking about, and indeed, whether the problem is really about drugs at all.

The idea of evidence-based policy has gained increasing prominence. Much research exists on the subject, particularly tackling the evidence-based policy turn and, subsequently, its critique. A plethora of studies have identified the shortcomings of the evidence-based policy ideal and challenged its supposed linearity. This project aims to provide an understanding of the way in which evidence is utilized in policy, and contribute to this debate by enacting an innovative research design. I am proposing a 2x2 comparative approach, which looks at the use of evidence across two domains, drug and prostitution policy, across two countries, Australia and the UK. A case-based qualitative comparative approach has the potential to offer a certain depth while at the same time providing the opportunity for analytic generalisation. I argue that evidence can be a prime focus for analysis of the policy process, and that through its lenses one can appraise deeper theoretical and epistemological questions about the state in late modern capitalism, the relationship between knowledge and ideology, science and politics, science and values, reason and emotion. The labelling of prostitution and drug policy as morality policies exposes the nature of these domains as morally and politically antagonistic, whilst providing opportunity to reflect on the role of morality in filtering understandings of evidence and shaping policy positions.

In-depth interviews were conducted with women who use ecstasy for recreation, mainly in the context of the dance event. The aim was to discover the meaning of ecstasy use, and its surrounding culture, for women in the late 1990s. A further endeavour involved disclosing how the body was experienced at the dance event and what this meant to the women. Existential phenomenological analysis led to the following key conclusions. The dance event is experienced as a social space that allows women to be themselves and find a strong sense of belonging. There may be apparent dependence upon the experiences surrounding ecstasy. But, the journey of ecstasy use allows alterations in attitude, and transitions in life, to be experienced, which the women view positively. The women use ecstasy for pleasure, believe themselves to be independent in their use, and do not view their actions as deviant. These findings are important to scholarly literature on female drug users because they redress the gender balance by presenting the specific experiences of women. They also have implications for social policy and health service provision, in the sense that this description of a social world enables understanding, enhances communication and, thus, betters education.

Background: Good parent-child connectedness, general and substance use specific communication are protective against alcohol, tobacco and drug use during adolescence. Previous research also suggests that general communication with foster and other statutory carers is associated with more positive outcomes, including relationships with caregivers and siblings. However, no studies have examined substance use specific communication between looked after young people and their carers. Aims: The aim of this study was to gain an understanding of how carers and looked after young people communicate about alcohol, tobacco and drug use and the factors that shape communication, including the use of digital media. Methods: A qualitative study was conducted, using in-depth interviews with 13 looked after young people in foster and residential care; two social workers; six foster carers and eight residential care workers. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim and the data were analysed thematically. Findings: Relationships between carers and young people were crucial and acted as the antecedent to communication. Carers' role identity influenced their relationships with young people and their approach to and communication about substance use. Shared doing provided a way in which communication about substances could be facilitated in an environment which feels natural. The context in which communication occurred was important, with differences between foster and residential care. Digital media were viewed with caution, as something used to gain information about substances but not as a way of communicating with young people. Conclusions: The findings have implications for foster carers and residential care staff working with looked after young people, in terms of relationships and communication about substance use. Carers should continue to develop positive relationships with young people, whilst considering the potentially negative effects of conflicts in professional role identity. Techniques such as shared doing and encouraging natural conversations about substance use may help.

This research explores the understudied phenomenon of performance and image enhancing drug (PIED) markets by examining the structure and formation of the market for PIEDs in the Netherlands and Belgium. Furthermore, this study aims to understand and analyse the actors that operate in the PIED dealing environment. In particular bodybuilding is adopted as a case study. Finally, this thesis examines how the PIED control system and its application influence these respective markets. Chapter one introduces the global PIED problem, the policy options currently available to deal with it, and its connection to anti-doping and sport. Chapter two begins by reviewing the literature on PIED use and its supply, and reflects on the anti-doping and PIED policies that seek to regulate this market. In chapter three the theoretical contours of this dissertation are developed. Chapter four describes the research methods which form the empirical bases of the findings chapters. Chapter five focuses on the general characteristics of PIED suppliers, and the ways in which the actions of PIED dealers are influenced by the market cultures in which they operate. Chapter six examines the importance of socio-cultural factors in the formation and development of PIED dealing networks within bodybuilding subcultures. Chapter seven analyses and describes the characteristics of the Belgian and Dutch PIED markets, and unravels the complex relationship between the two. Chapter eight explores the illegal production of steroids in the Netherlands and the flourishing Internet trade in Belgium. Chapter nine assesses the harms related to the production and distribution of PIEDs, and accounts for the effects that Belgian and Dutch PIED policies may have on this illicit market. Finally, in chapter ten, the main findings of this dissertation are summarized, future research endeavours are considered and policy implications are drawn from the analysis. This thesis illustrates that social systems of rules and values, and in particular the embeddedness of culture, are important factors in our efforts to comprehend illicit PIED markets. Specifically, ‘the beliefs, norms, ‘tools’, rules and behaviours appropriate to a cultural setting are key factors for understanding the structure of PIED markets and greater attention must be given to the role played by socio-cultural factors in influencing the market behaviour of criminal groups and individuals. Nevertheless, this thesis also demonstrates that it is imperative to examine the production, distribution and use of PIEDs, as embedded within a diverse combination of social, economic and cultural processes. Indeed, the structure and formation of illicit PIED markets are shaped by a variety of factors including the types of PIEDs dealt within them, the characteristics of the users, the social structures which sustain them, the cultural and economic context in which the markets exist, and market forces (e.g. technical innovations, drug policies).

abstract: Mexican American adolescents report high rates of internalizing symptomatology and alcohol use. However, very little research has explored to what extent internalizing distress may contribute to alcohol use among this population. The current study utilized longitudinal data from a community sample of Mexican American adolescents (n=626, 51% female) to test a series of hypotheses about the role of internalizing distress on alcohol use and misuse. Specifically, this study used a bifactor modeling approach to investigate (1) whether different forms of internalizing distress are composed of common and unique components; (2) whether and to what extent such components confer risk for alcohol use; and (3) whether youth cultural orientation plays a role in these associations. Confirmatory factor analyses revealed that a bifactor model with a general factor and three specific factors (depressed mood, general worry, social anxiety) provided good fit to the data. The general distress factor was significantly associated with past month alcohol use but not binge drinking. However, these effects were conditional based on level of acculturation. Differential relations were found between the specific factors of internalizing distress and alcohol use. Depressed mood predicted past month alcohol use among girls; social anxiety negatively predicted past three month binge drinking among boys. Overall, results highlight the multidimensional nature of internalizing distress and suggest that both common and unique components of internalizing distress may be relevant to the etiology of alcohol use among Mexican-American adolescents. Findings underscore the importance of considering cultural orientation as a moderating factor when investigating substance use among Hispanic youth. Implications for future research examining the etiological relevance of the internalizing pathway to alcohol use among Hispanic adolescents are discussed. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Psychology 2018