Zugl.: Speyer, Dt. Hochsch. für Verwaltungswiss., Diss., 2007 u.d.T.: Aulbach, Christian: Global governance der Kernenergiesicherheit

Zugl.: Hagen, Fernuniv., Diss., 2008

Diss. Univ. Kassel, 2007.

Bachelor-Arbeit Univ. St. Gallen, 2007.

Universiẗat, Diss., 2004--Münster (Westfalen). / Erscheinungsjahr an der Haupttitelstelle: 2003.

Submitted by ALLANA CEARÁ (allanaceara@bol.com.br) on 2018-09-04T16:03:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Allana Ceará..pdf: 785799 bytes, checksum: 66ec82f48f3fbc911be3ed3b885f46df (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-09-04T18:24:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ceara_a_me_mar.pdf: 785799 bytes, checksum: 66ec82f48f3fbc911be3ed3b885f46df (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-04T18:24:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ceara_a_me_mar.pdf: 785799 bytes, checksum: 66ec82f48f3fbc911be3ed3b885f46df (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Com o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, estabeleceu-se no mundo, sob o comando dos Estados Unidos e, em posição secundária, da Inglaterra, um sistema de governança global cujos principais pilares – a ONU com seu Conselho de Segurança, o FMI, o Banco Mundial e o GATT (agora OMC) – que permanecem até os dias de hoje como os fóruns relevantes para a discussão e encaminhamento dos grandes problemas econômicos e políticos internacionais. Ocorre que a conjuntura política que levou à prevalência desse sistema há muito deixou de existir. Com a debacle da União Soviética e o consequente fim da Guerra Fria pareceu que o mundo finalmente havia chegado a uma situação unipolar na qual o único país hegemônico seria os Estados Unidos. Tal cenário entretanto não durou mais que uma década, a de 1990. Com a chegada do século XXI um novo quadro se formou com a ascensão de novos polos de dinamismo econômico no mundo. O acontecimento mais relevante foi a ascensão dos países em desenvolvimento e nomeadamente a ascensão da China. Por outro lado, a liderança política e econômica dos Estados Unidos, sobretudo após a crise de 2008, começou a ruir. Abriu-se assim um vazio na política internacional e um quadro de grande incerteza. De um lado, os Estados Unidos e seus aliados europeus fazem de tudo para garantir os privilégios herdados do sistema de governança herdado do pós-guerra, mesmo que isso implique, no limite, em ir à guerra. De outro lado, a ascensão da China nas relações internacionais tanto políticas quanto econômicas, o surgimento de novos fóruns de cooperação com a participação de países médios, por exemplo, IBAS, BASIC, BRICS, Organização de Xangai, ASEAN, dentre outros, as crises financeiras globais como a de 2008, uma maior multiplicidade de atores com voz nas decisões internacionais, exige mudanças no atual sistema de governança. É nesse quadro que o debate atual sobre uma reforma da governança global se desenvolve. Esse trabalho tem como objetivo estudar, neste contexto, a relação entre Brasil e China, visando compreender em que medida ambos cooperam e se cooperam com o objetivo de reformar o atual sistema. Sob essa perspectiva, a pesquisa parte dos acontecimentos a partir da Guerra Fria até o mandato da presidente Dilma Rousseff, tendo enfoque nas mudanças ocorridas na China e nas relações políticas sino-brasileiras. / With the end of World War II, a system of global governance was established in the world under the command of the United States and, in a secondary position, of England, whose main pillars - the UN with its Security Council, the IMF, the World Bank and the GATT (now WTO) - which remain to this day as the forums relevant to the discussion and referral of major international economic and political problems. It happens that the political conjuncture that led to the prevalence of this system has long ceased to exist. With the debacle of the Soviet Union and the consequent end of the Cold War it seemed that the world had finally reached a unipolar situation in which the only hegemonic country would be the United States. This scenario, however, did not last more than a decade, that of 1990. With the arrival of the twenty-first century a new framework was formed with the rise of new poles of economic dynamism in the world. The most relevant event was the rise of developing countries, including the rise of China. On the other hand, the political and economic leadership of the United States, especially after the crisis of 2008, began to crumble. Thus, a vacuum emerged in international politics and a picture of great uncertainty. On the one hand, the United States and its European allies do their utmost to secure the privileges inherited from the system of governance inherited from the post-war era, even if this implies, at the limit, going to war. On the other hand, the rise of China in international political and economic relations, the emergence of new forums of cooperation with the participation of medium-sized countries, for example IBSA, BASIC, BRICS, Shanghai Organization, ASEAN, among others, crises globalization such as 2008, a greater multiplicity of actors with a voice in international decisions, requires changes in the current governance system. It is within this framework that the current debate on a reform of global governance develops. This study aims to study, in this context, the relationship between Brazil and China, aiming to understand to what extent both cooperate and cooperate with the goal of reforming the current system. From this perspective, the research starts from the events of the Cold War to the term of President Dilma Rousseff, focusing on the changes that have taken place in China and in Sino-Brazilian political relations.

The last few decades have witnessed the emergence of global civil society advocacy networks as major players in global governance. This research aimed at using a case study of GCAP in critically analysing the politics and dynamics of crafting a global civil society advocacy alliance. Specifically, the study aimed to: a) identify, analyse, and document GCAP’s experiences, strategies and challenges in trans-national networking and advocacy; b) generate knowledge on recent developments in global civil society networking and advocacy. The study analyses the study phenomenon using two central features of GCAP: networking and advocacy. Chapter one attempts to give a background of the study and also discusses the methods used. Chapter two lays the theoretical framework and operationalises the concepts explored in the study. The report argues that alliances are very different from ‘normal’ forms of organisations because they are made up of diverse forms of organisations, coming together voluntarily to achieve a specific purpose. They are therefore, by their very nature, complex, unstable, and difficult to co-ordinate. Chapters Three and Four look at such intricacies and complexities of crafting and operations of global advocacy networks. I conclude this research arguing that despite challenges in alliances building and operations, global civil society organisations will still need to network if they are to remain relevant and effective in current global governance context. It is only in their unity that they will be able to confront their common challenges.

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No / The aim of this chapter is a comprehensive analysis of various aspects of the emergence of BRICS. We begin with an examination of emergence of BRICS showing that BRICS have been members of the top 15 largest economies in the world since 1960. In purchasing power parity terms, by 2015, BRICS have equalled G7 countries in terms of the share of global output. Various possible explanatory factors of their growth are examined. Though BRICS account for nearly a half of global output growth, in terms of real per capita income, BRICS have a long way to go. There are many challenges to BRICS in terms of the levels of income and wealth inequalities, the educational inequalities as measured in terms of education-Gini and the quality of their infrastructure notwithstanding the massive investments being made remains inadequate. We also analyse the nine BRICS summits so far and the text analysis of these declarations suggests that such summits are becoming more formal and focused on specific policy outcomes and creation of new institutions for deepening multilateral co-operation. The chapter ends with an analysis of global governance issues and four possible future scenarios of BRICS.