Between 1976 and 1978, urban Ethiopia became a site of collective violence. Rival campaigns of revolutionary terror were fought out, most notably in the capital city of Addis Ababa. Opposition forces launched targeted assassinations against the military regime and its collaborators, prompting the latter to widen early campaigns of repression into one of the most brutal reigns of state terror in modern Africa. Tens of thousands of Ethiopians, most of them young and many educated, lost their lives. Thousands more were systematically tortured or otherwise abused. Many escaped to the countryside or fled abroad, invigorating rural insurgencies and generating the country's first permanent diaspora. The Terror effected deep changes in Ethiopian state and society, as well as in relations between them. This thesis analyses the social and political history of this revolutionary violence. It brings materials familiar to scholars of modern Ethiopia together with new sources, from oral interviews to international archives. On the basis of these sources, the dynamics and aftereffects of the Ethiopian Terror are examined. Urban Ethiopia's revolutionary violence is shown to have been jointly produced by supralocal decision makers and by local actors, shaped by centrally imposed structures as much as by locally moulded operational cultures. Geo-political alliances in the context of the global Cold War had profound effects on the mode of violence on the ground. Underpinning this violence were evolving social processes and narratives that legitimised terror campaigns and depersonalised opponents. Unveiling these dynamics of violence, this thesis traces the changes in the Terror’s forms and agents. The mode of state-instigated violence shifted significantly: it transitioned from unsystematic repression before February 1977 to a phase of decentralisation that lasted until July 1977, during which the means of state violence were devolved to local actors. It culminated in a centrally coordinated campaign of terror in late 1977 and early '78, which inscribed institutional structures and practices of collective violence into the state bureaucracy. Opposition violence, meanwhile, moved into the opposite direction, becoming increasingly localised and less subject to centralised control. Having surveyed these defining dynamics of revolutionary violence, the thesis traces their subsequent trajectories, highlighting the enduring repercussions of the Terror's legacies and of its contested memorialisation process for Ethiopian politics and society.

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the academic requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Department of History, Faculty of Arts at the University of Zululand, 2018. / This research study delves into the role of the international community towards dismantling the apartheid regime in South Africa during the period 1960-1990. It argues that racial discrimination in apartheid South Africa came into being gradually over the centuries of white settlement that began when the Dutch East India Company founded a colony on the Cape in 1652. Dutch settlers were joined by English colonials who fought and won control of South Africa at the end of the nineteenth century. White control followed independence from Britain and the descendents of Dutch setters regained political power when the Afrikaner-dominated National Party (NP), which governed South Africa until 1994, won all-white elections in 1948. One of the National Party’s main goals was to codify centuries of de facto white domination. The legislative cornerstones of apartheid – including the Mixed Marriages Act of 1949 (prohibiting marriage between people of different races), the Population Registration Act and Group Areas Act, both of 1950, the Reservation of Separate Amenities and Bantu Education Bills both of 1953 – constructed distinct racial categories, and sought to ensure that racial groups were kept physically separate; and that black, Asian, and coloured South Africans receive inferior education and remain weak in political and economic terms. This research study posits that collective action against apartheid came out of, and involved, a number of different historical experiences, related to different historical processes and structural contexts. The reaction of the outside world to the development of apartheid was widespread and posed a sustained challenge to the South African regime, which, facing myriad internal and external threats, eventually capitulated to make way for a new, democratic dispensation during the 1990s. Central to the argument in this research study is that while countries throughout the world took various measures to weaken and topple apartheid, it was particularly the anti-apartheid movements in the United Kingdom (UK), the United States of America (USA), support from the Soviet Union, pressure by the United Nations (UN), the OAU and the Frontline States that mounted the most serious of these challenges to the apartheid state.

The purpose of this dissertation is to research aspects of the historical development of Nursing Education and Nursing Management at the Carinus Nursing College from 1949 to 1987; to determine and explain how the College has adapted and coped with historical change and to determine whether proposals for the future can be made. Research has been done by applying the general systems theory and by using the standard methods of historical analysis. Data has been collected by means of oral history, literature search and documentation. The variables isolated are the College as a system; the government or influential super systems; resources such as financial, personnel and students and material inputs; and throughput or processing the work in the output, which leads to the professional nurse. The models used are Bucheles' organizational system, Sharma's flow chart pattern, Mintzberg's parts of organizational systems, and power flows and as shown in Emery, Feibleman and Friends relations and rules of interaction in systems thinking. Parsons' "imperatives of maintenance of a system" as well as Alvin Toffler's "second and third wave phenomena as responses to change" were two further models that were used. By using Robert Buchele's model, the work is divided into four parts: - i) the College as a system ii) the super systems iii) the resources iv) the throughput or processing. A further design that emerged was that two eras could be distinguished, within which three historical phases: - Early, Middle and Late are developed.

This research aims at examining biblical hermeneutics in Bembaland, Zambia. Home to 4.8 million people, 50%-75% of whom are nominally Christian and 44% Catholic, with literacy levels at 61.4%, this thesis explores the interplay of orality and scribality in the Bembaland experiences of biblical hermeneutics. The terminus a quo of this thesis is that the shift in preferred medium from orality to scribablity in Bembaland affected not only hermeneutical understandings of the Bible, but also the broader social praxis. This can be identified in changed ways both of thinking and the derivation of meaning, both in terms of heteroglossal interpretation and the patterning and understanding of authority. The terminus ad quem of the thesis is that rather than hold orality and textuality in an antithetical binarism, it is more fruitful to pursue a negotiated and hybrid approach which holds oral and textual poetics in constructive symbiosis. In making this argument, rather than calling in the hermeneutical bulldozer of one single method, our approach is to unlock the Bemba experiences using a bricolage of analytical tools which have included contextual fieldwork, postcolonial critique, communication theory, spatial theory and linguistic analysis. In particular, the argumentation is alert first to the deconstruction of textual interpretations authored by the dominant and literate elite; secondly, the silencing of colonized 'others' as subjects of their own history; thirdly, the emancipation of misued biblical passages through hermeneutics of suspicion, retrieval, restoration and transformation. As a worked example, I have proposed a negotiated, oral-textual and hybrid hermeneutics of Rom 13:1-7. The outcomes of the 'oral-scribal' analysis undertaken partially echo McLuhan's famous phrase, 'The medium is the message.' The evidence suggests that there has been a tectonic shift in the biblical hermeneutics of Bembaland. Succinctly, this may be characterised principally by the move from oral/aural to chirographical/typographical media management in which communication and space were utilised as a means of exerting power and control. In the particular Bemba context of << Ubufumu e busosa >> - 'Royalty is constituted by speech' the effect is seismic since tribal authority has hitherto been constituted by the spoken rather than the written word. Thus informed, the research proposes a rebalancing of this destabilizing shift using two metaphors. Firstly, hearing/reading the word under an African tree as << Teleela Mulumbe >> ['Hear the news'} has the potential to open up what James Maxey has referred to as the oral ethos of the Bible in a context that is still characterised by residual orality; secondly, hearing/reading the word in Terra Nullius, ['unclaimed land'] where both oral/textual media hybridity and community hybridity are the catchwords. In like manner, this allows for border-crossing or 'transgressive hermeneutics' that is meta-gendered and trans-ethnic in its redemptive power.

Based on archival research in six countries, this thesis distils new documentary material into an analysis of the role of Sephardic cristãos novos in the formation of Creole society in Cabo Verde and Guiné (Caboverdean space). The role of pre-existing anti-Semitic stereotypes in otherization in the Atlantic world is examined; Sephardic involvement in Cabo Verde was accompanied by transference of subalternity in the Atlantic world from Sephardim to Africans, ensuring that the cristãos novos of Cabo Verde were, indeed, masters of difference. It is argued that the cristãos novos’ doubleness of identity facilitated their success in Cabo Verde, where protean cultural identities emerged. As a destination of (successful) escape for cristãos novos fleeing the Inquisition, Cabo Verde lacked effective control by the metropolis, and was a place where an autonomous Creole identity could develop in which malleable worldviews were key. The thesis highlights the pan-Atlantic nature of the cristão novo diaspora in the 17th century, where West Africa was of comparable importance to the American communities in Cartagena and Lima. The symbiotic relationship of hegemonies and rebellions against hegemonies is, finally, examined in this local and international framework which elucidates crucial aspects of the formation of Creole and modern identities.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2014 / It is important to note that much has been written on South Africa’s national Unity Government. Previous studies conducted on this topic were not as extensive as expected. Such studies were also unscientific, non-academic and more of journalistic writings. This lends credence to the necessity of undertaking an in-depth study on the topic which entails, inter alia, the impact of the Unity Government’s performance on various areas of governance from 1994-1999. The year 1994 is considered a turning point in the political history of South Africa. The people of South Africa gave the national Unity Government (GNU) a mandate through the country’s first democratic elections on the 27th April 1994 to embark on the fundamental transformation of the country. The upside of it was the trust and confidence that the black majority of South Africa had in the ANC-led government to redeem the country from high levels of unemployment, abject poverty, economic decline, to mention but a few. However, what was considered a set of solution to South Africa’s socio-economic problems, presented yet another set of challenges for the new government. Policy formulation and implementation became one of the major challenges of the unity government. The three parties in government namely, the African National Congress, Inkatha Freedom Party and the National Party did not always agree on issues of fundamental importance.On the education front, the statistical data point to service delivery and resource allocation challenges. Compared to learning institutions in white communities, some schools in KwaZulu-Natal, Mpumalanga, Eastern Cape and Free State, were inadequately resourced and service delivery was far from reality. The unequal distribution of resources became the order of the day. The need to ensure economic growth and development through sound economic principles and policies could not be over-emphasized in the prevailing circumstances. The NP was critical of the ANC’s economic policies and often criticized them in public. This hampered the envisaged collective effort to effectively address the economic ills of the country. Another area of challenge was the multi-party politics within the government. It was expected that the ANC, IFP and NP as part of the coalition government sing the same tune in order to advance the course of democracy in South Africa. However, this was not always the case. The IFP advocated for a federal state, the NP felt so strong about the need for power-sharing, while the ANC on the other hand, with compromised stance on unitary state, had serious reservations about such propositions. This caused serious divisions among the three parties and it had a negative and detrimental impact on their collaborative effort. Eventually, the NP deemed it fit to withdraw from the Unity Government; thereby swelling the opposition ranks. Failure to reconcile their differences created a dangerous loophole. Another responsibility, with which the unity government was charged, was the realignment of South Africa’s foreign relations. This was quite a difficult challenge to deal with given the country’s image in the global context. South Africa had lost credibility with the global community because of the apartheid policy whose cause she championed unreservedly since 1948 up until the 1990s. The Unity Government’s sole responsibility in this regard, was to change the perception of the global community through the establishment of sound international relations and the maintenance of diplomatic ties. This would help South Africa expand on her economic sphere through foreign trade and investment; which were critical to economic growth and development. The legacy left by the interim Unity Government, points to the inadequate capacitation and perhaps limited resources to efficiently respond to the needs and demands of the country. In the post 1999 period, South Africa was still confronted with persistent poverty, high levels of unemployment, unequal allocation and distribution of resources as well as service delivery challenges. The first five years of democracy in South Africa were such a robust political engagement. It could be termed a “trial and error” period. Challenges of diverse magnitudes under such conditions would often be inevitable. Negative criticism becomes a possible eventuality. In the case of South Africa, the Unity Government was perceived by most South African citizens as the agent of transformation despite its shortfalls.

In 1926 the Kruger National Park in South Africa became the first national park in Africa to accept visitors. Since that date there has been a propaganda campaign to convince people outside of the administration of the importance of the national park project and the value of the wildlife inside the parks. As a large tract of land in a land-hungry region of the country, the Kruger Park required both political and public support to ensure its survival. This attempt to communicate with the public is the subject of my thesis. The idea of the national park, and the natural world that it contained, altered dramatically since 1926. At times the message was tightly managed, and at others that control was loosened. As various interests intervened and encroached, new discourses developed and struggled for influence. Contained within the messages around the park and its wildlife were ulterior strands and ideologies that impacted in various ways on the idea of the national park. Nationalism, race, gender, class and status all became constituent parts of a heterogeneous construction. My thesis interrogates those strands within the discourse on the Kruger National Park. In 1967 the Manyeleti game reserve, on the western borders of the Kruger Park, became the first segregated game reserve for the exclusive use of black South Africans. Through this parallel project African visitors, who had been generally ignored in the Kruger Park setting, became the focus of propaganda efforts intended for a black audience. Race, gender, and class merged with the environmental messages in this unique setting to create new directions in conservationist rhetoric. My thesis sets these diverse messages communicated at Manyeleti alongside those transmitted through and about the Kruger Park.

Thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Science in the Faculty of Science, University of the Witwatersrand / A stratigraphic and sedimentological study of the Molteno sediments in the vicinity of Aliwal North and Burgersdorp was made in order to determine stratigraphic relationships and sedimentary history. The stratigraphic study shows that the Molteno strata is characterised by a cyclic pattern of deposition as follows: (i) pebble conglomerate overlying an erosional surface of low relief; (2) coarse - to medium- grained sandstone; (3) fine-grained sandstone~siltstone, and silty shale and (4)" shale with thin coal lenseso Three such cycles have been recognised in the Burgersdorp area and a single cycle at Aliwal North. The succession thins northwards from about 500 feet around Burgersdorp to 300 feet at Aliwal North and on the basis of cyclic relationships and sedimentary tectonics it is suggested that the two upper cycles at Aliwal North are missing through erosion or non-deposition and the lower cycle at Burgersdorp is the stratigraphic equivalent of the Aliwal North cycle. The importance of the lower pebble bed arises from the ease with which it can b e recognised and traced throughout the area; moreover, it is tectonically significant and represents a distinct stratigraphic break . As a result the base of the Molteno is redefined in terms of the lower pebble bed. The limitations of the Indwe sandstone as a regional stratigraphic marker are demonstrated. It is also recommended that the Indwe sandstone be more strictly defined in terms of modern stratigraphic nomenclature or dropped completely from the literature . The pattern of sedimentary transport was determined mainly from cross-bedding measurements, though other sedimentary structures such as erosion channels, ripple marks, current lineations, and fossil logs have also been used . These dimentary structures indicate shallow water conditions of deposition with the dominant direction of transport from the south and south east. The sandstones have been classified petrographically as subgreywackes. Metamorphic quartz and metaquartzite rock fragments together with minor amounts of feldspar are important constituents. Excluding micas the heavy mineral suite is simple and consists of garnet, zircon, tourmaline and rutile . The Molteno sediments wer e derived chiefly from high- rank metamorphic and granitic source rocks with only neglible contributions from pre - existing sediments . Integration of the stratigraphic and sedimentological evidence shows that the upward-fining cycle of the Molteno was deposited under both upper and lower flow regime conditions. Facies analysis of the cycle suggests that the conglomerate is the result of erosion and deposition in a braided river channel wandering across a flood plain. The overlying sandstone shows all the characteristics of a modern point bar complex. The fine sandstone, siltstone, and silty shale represent a transitional facies deposited mainly from suspension in the quiet parts of the channel or in abandoned channels during low water. If the sandstone facies represents channel deposits then the shale and coal facies probably records overbank deposits from flood waters in the quiet backswamp areas of the flood plain. The environment was probably permanently inundated by water of such a depth as to allow for the growth of plants and the formation of peat swamps. The key to cyclic repetition appears to be related to sedimentary tectonics and diastrophic movement associated with the second phase of the Cape Orogeny. In terms of sedimentary tectonics, and the classification scheme of Krumbein and Sloss (1963), the lithologic association of the Molteno sediments probably represents unstable shelf or interior basin conditions . / AC 2018

This study examines mid- to late Holocene Later Stone Age archaeological residues – specifically flaked stone artefacts, ostrich eggshell beads and pottery – from Namaqualand, north-western South Africa. Through its implication in all models so far proposed, Namaqualand is crucial to understanding the introduction of herding to the southern African subcontinent. Despite numerous publications on early herding, many key debates remain unresolved. The study focuses on the northern and central Namaqualand coastline, but sites from other parts of Namaqualand are also described. The stone assemblages are grouped according to variation in materials and retouch and then, along with data from ostrich eggshell beads and pottery, analysed graphically for temporal and other patterning. A cultural sequence is then presented. Using this sequence, key debates on early herding are explored and a hypothesis on its origins is constructed. Indigenous hunter-gatherers occupied the region throughout the Holocene and made Group 1 lithic assemblages from quartz and cryptocrystalline silica with frequent retouched tools primarily in cryptocrystalline silica. A new population – likely Proto-Khoekhoe-speaking hunter-gatherers with limited numbers of livestock – entered the landscape approximately 2000 years ago. They made Group 3 assemblages from clear quartz focusing on backed bladelets. Diffusion of stock and pottery among the local population occurred during this period. Later, c. AD 500, a new wave of migrants appeared. These last were the ancestors of the historically observed Khoekhoe pastoralists; they made Group 2 lithic assemblages on milky quartz without retouched tools. Bead diameter generally increases with time and contributes nothing to the debate. The pottery sequence is still too patchy for meaningful interpretation but differs from that elsewhere. Overall, the differing cultural signatures in western South Africa suggest that, although many questions will likely remain unanswered, a better understanding of southern African early herding will only be possible with a study addressing all regions simultaneously.

There exists a certain consensus among scholars and French diplomats that the golden era of the exceptionally close and amicable relations between France and its former sub-Saharan colonies is over. Nevertheless, the conclusions that these researchers arrive at regarding the current state of France’s African policy are rather different. The aim of the thesis is to determine which of the three paradigms concerning France’s African policy – the incremental adaptation, normalisation or confusion – best describes the French response to the crisis in Côte d’Ivoire under the Gbagbo regime. The contribution of the thesis is the analysis of continuities and changes of this specific Franco-African relationship, also known as Françafrique, within the framework of international relations regime theory. The thesis argues that France’s diplomacy towards the Ivorian crisis and her role in the multilateral conflict resolution strategy, reveal her growing inability to defend the constitutive principle of the Françafrique regime: grandeur. Her pursuit of middle power status through maintaining hegemonic relations to her favourite former colony was considerably challenged by various domestic and systemic factors, among which the Ivorian power struggles and Gbagbo’s duplicitous politics played a considerable part. Moreover, the thesis also points to the persistence of some old rules and decision-making procedures of the Françafrique regime, especially the resilience of informal networks. These old practices collide with France’s growing desire to make her African policy more transparent, coherent and efficient. It is therefore concluded that the coexistence of these opposite tendencies in France’s response to the Ivorian crisis under Gbagbo, as well as the inconsistent resort to the Françafrique principle, rules and decision-making procedures are best explained by the confusion paradigm of France’s African policy.