Seals were a major dietary item for coastal hunter-gatherers and herders in South Africa. At Nelson Bay Cave (NBC), more than half of the Holocene mammal bones are from Cape Fur seals (Arctocephalus pusillus). Previous analyses of the seal assemblage from this site have studied only selected skeletal elements. This study is the first comprehensive analysis of seal remains from selected archaeological levels at Nelson Bay Cave and from the 2007/2008 excavations at nearby Hoffmans/Robberg Cave (HRC). Body part representation and frequency, age distribution and bone modification have been documented to determine the role of seals in the lifeways of hunter-gatherers and pastoralists at Robberg throughout the Holocene. The age profiles indicate that seals were obtained directly from a breeding colony throughout the Holocene. A breeding colony at Robberg would have been a rich and reliable resource for coastal foragers throughout the year. There were differences in skeletal element representation in the Early and Middle Holocene, compared with the Late Holocene. Axial skeletal elements are under-represented in earlier time periods, probably due to field butchery and the return of only parts of the seals to the living sites. In the Late Holocene, entire animals were taken back to site. Within each time period, the skeletal profiles of juveniles and adults indicate that both were processed similarly suggesting that aspects such as carcass size, weight and foraging distance were less important factors in transport decisions than the terrain of the Robberg Peninsula and the size of the hunting party. A large proportion of the bones were complete, or almost complete. There was little evidence of canid gnawing. The skeletal element representation, frequency and cut mark patterns suggest that the heads and flippers were highly sought after throughout the Holocene, as recorded in Arctic ethnography. Seals were also of spiritual significance, possibly in aiding transitions from the material into the spirit world.

Immediately following the 1971 upland game season a questionnaire booklet was mailed to 2076 Utah farmers and ranchers (landholders) in five southern and six northern counties. Approximately 50 percent were returned containing usable Information. Five categories of hunter access restriction were considered: 1) fee systems, 2) leases to private clubs, 3) pheasant hunting units, 4) posting ''Hunting by Permission Only," and 5) posting "No Hunting" or "No Trespassing. " Restriction of hunter access to private property occurred twice as frequently in northern counties as in southern counties. Nearly six of every ten northern landholders had an active hunter restriction program. Sixteen demographic and attitude variables were compared with landholder restriction practices. Ten variables were significantly related to landholder restriction practice at the 90 percent level or higher. These relationships suggest the landholder's prime motivation for restricting hunter access was his desire to protect his investment in buildings, equipment, livestock or crops. Restriction practices compared between northern and southern landholders showed that stringent hunter restrictions resulted from concentrated hunter activity characteristic of densely populated, industrialized areas. Landholders, invited to suggest alternate conditions under which bunters could gain access to restricted land, pointed out that the single most important condition was for the hunter to request permission from the landholder to hunt. Approximately 88 percent of northern and 91 percent of southern landholders favored the concept of hunting. A Likert five-point Attitude Index, used to· assess landholders' attitudes toward hunting, showed landholders in northern industrial counties (Salt Lake, Utah, Weber) scored 39. 9 of 55.0 possible points. Landholders in northern agricultural counties (Cache, Box Elder, Tooele) scored 40. 9 points . Southern landholders socred 41. 0 points. Students T-tests between landholder categories (HILl = u 2 and a= 0. 05) revealed no significant differences. There was no significant relationship between a landholder's attitude score and his hunter restriction policy. Attitude toward hunting was important in determining by what methods landholders restricted hunter access. Landholders with low attitude scores (unfavorable or undecided) tended to post "No Hunting" or "No Trespassing." Those with favorable attitudes tended to use the "Hunt by Permission Only" restriction.

We conduct a parallel Hunter search in order to find a degree 7 number field K ramified at primes q and p with discriminant d(K)=q^6 p^2 where q=11 and 2

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This study examines mid- to late Holocene Later Stone Age archaeological residues – specifically flaked stone artefacts, ostrich eggshell beads and pottery – from Namaqualand, north-western South Africa. Through its implication in all models so far proposed, Namaqualand is crucial to understanding the introduction of herding to the southern African subcontinent. Despite numerous publications on early herding, many key debates remain unresolved. The study focuses on the northern and central Namaqualand coastline, but sites from other parts of Namaqualand are also described. The stone assemblages are grouped according to variation in materials and retouch and then, along with data from ostrich eggshell beads and pottery, analysed graphically for temporal and other patterning. A cultural sequence is then presented. Using this sequence, key debates on early herding are explored and a hypothesis on its origins is constructed. Indigenous hunter-gatherers occupied the region throughout the Holocene and made Group 1 lithic assemblages from quartz and cryptocrystalline silica with frequent retouched tools primarily in cryptocrystalline silica. A new population – likely Proto-Khoekhoe-speaking hunter-gatherers with limited numbers of livestock – entered the landscape approximately 2000 years ago. They made Group 3 assemblages from clear quartz focusing on backed bladelets. Diffusion of stock and pottery among the local population occurred during this period. Later, c. AD 500, a new wave of migrants appeared. These last were the ancestors of the historically observed Khoekhoe pastoralists; they made Group 2 lithic assemblages on milky quartz without retouched tools. Bead diameter generally increases with time and contributes nothing to the debate. The pottery sequence is still too patchy for meaningful interpretation but differs from that elsewhere. Overall, the differing cultural signatures in western South Africa suggest that, although many questions will likely remain unanswered, a better understanding of southern African early herding will only be possible with a study addressing all regions simultaneously.

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Sight is the most important of our five senses. It allows us to navigate our environment, find food and avoid danger. Sight can be used to accurately render a drawing or to recognize nuance in a form. It can also be used in more dynamic ways to parse the complicated social systems and customs that build our societies. Despite all that we can see, we are inundated with what we cannot. This inability to see can be categorized into two subdivisions: items that possess characteristics that are beyond our eye's physical capacity of perception (e.g. microscopic objects or electromagnetic radiation) and items and situations whose exact presence goes unnoticed due to our mind's conditioning from repeated exposure (e.g. glass in a window frame or halftone dots that form a printed picture). Through the use of special instruments or awareness raising techniques these invisible objects can be brought to light. Artists and their art have often played important roles in society by revealing things that go unnoticed and making them plain to see for all. These revelations can be as simple as capturing the beauty of a natural landscape or as controversial as portraying the impact of religion, gender or oppression in our communities. My most recent set of prints investigate "seeing the unseen" by meditating on the minutiae and microscopic organisms that permeate our surroundings yet escape our attention. By utilizing handmade paper's tactile qualities, juxtaposing seemingly dissimilar objects and the use of bold and often times unnatural color, I have attempted to create a space where items of different scales can exist side by side so we can revel in their wonder, discover visual similarities between objects and plainly see them with our own eyes.

For much of America's history, a certain fascination has existed in American culture with the lifestyle of the woodsman who made the hardwood wilderness his home. over time this fascination has given birth to a collection of romantic traits firmly identified with such a frontiersman. The requirements for survival in a deep wilderness forced the pre-American Revolution era woodsman turned long hunter, to be "Indian," to demonstrate a high level of marksmanship, and ultimately to draw most of his needs from the bounty of the forest. Such requirements tended to promote the popular conceptions surrounding the eastern frontiersman. Looking beyond those legendary traits, though, such a lifestyle was often an uphill path made only steeper by a rather monotonous diet, days spent in endless and mundane labor, and the threat of perpetual warfare born of political forces beyond his control.

I investigate the lived experience, the actuality of responding to land as a painter. This thesis consists of intensive investigations in the field and further exploration in the studio, resulting in a body of paintings and drawings which form the exhibition. The exegesis explores theories and ideas surrounding the work. The psychological engagement between people, land and art is of major concern. The choice of place selected to paint and the subject matter of rocks is discussed. Painters who work outside or have painted at the same site are considered for comparison with my working methods or concerns. The selective view is intimate. The format of the image and the composition are discussed in terms of proximity and space. Consideration of the psychology of engagement with land and landscape painting, either as an observer or painter, is a major component of the research. This examination of human psychological development illuminates the origin of our sense of self and how we relate to the land on which we live. The premise of this enquiry is the idea that art and culture could reflect human psychological development. Do art objects contribute to cultural understanding of the relationship of person to environment? A phenomenological perspective is incorporated in this exploration of the interrelation of vision, perception and attention. Can the reality of experience be transferred into the art work? The deep attention to the landscape of Australian Aboriginal people serves as a cultural reference for these investigations. This study concludes that sentient consciousness involving responsibility for land is an open, effective way of perceiving and depicting landscape. Responsibility for land can be encouraged by the development of cultural ideas based around landscape and can be the result of feeling connected to land. Art can contribute to changes in attitudes to land.