This study argues for the necessity of a psychoanalytic perspective in the study of colonization, while recognizing the complicity of psychoanalysis in the colonial project. My first chapter situates the Oedipal subject as a historic effect and attempts to trace some of the conditions of its emergence. In this way, I seek to call into question the universal status that Freud attributed to the Oedipal subject. From this historicized perspective, I then read Freud's Totem and Taboo, and its construction of the 'savage', as an effect of displacement, and in so doing, suggest a relation between the Oedipalized subject and the colonizing subject. The following three chapters are comprised of detailed readings of specific events and texts in Australian cultural history. All of these chapters focus on Aboriginal writers, and argue that the texts they have produced can be read as challenging, in a variety of ways, the naturalized construction of the patriarchal nuclear family in the colonial context, and the Oedipalized subject that supports it. The first of these contextualizes the life and work of David Ilnaipon, and argues for a more positive reassessmenot f his work that takes into consideration modes of Oedipalized subjectification operative in the colonial domain. The following chapter focuses on Sally Morgan's My Place, Australia's best-selling, Aboriginal autobiography, and suggests that its overwhelming popularity masks profound anxieties about the intimate and sexualized nature of colonial exploitation as manifest in the settler family home. The final chapter considers recent allegations that Mudrooroo, Australia's most wellknown and prolific Aboriginal writer, is actually an African American. This chapter suggests that a re-reading of his novels, Master of the Ghost Dreaming and Doctor Wooreddy's Prescription for Enduring the Ending of the World, provide possible ways of rethinking simplistic notions of identity and theirgrounding in Oedipalized identifications. All three textual events act as imperatives to remember the legacy of colonialism that continues to pervade contemporary Australian culture.

This thesis provides an anti-colonial analysis of how Indigenous knowledges have been studied and conceptualized through ethnographic research in the field of development studies. In this analysis I apply meta-ethnography within an anti-colonial discursive framework, a combination that I argue has great potential in the study of power relations in qualitative knowledge production. Firstly, this approach allows me to provide a synthesis of purposively selected ethnographies from the development studies literature; secondly, it requires that I refer to Indigenous scholars’ critical writings in the education literature to analyze development studies ethnographers’ approaches to Indigenous knowledges. The results of this analysis provide a starting point for questioning epistemological racism and colonial power relations at play in knowledge production on Indigenous knowledges in the field of development studies, with important implications for how we teach, study, and conduct research in development.

This thesis provides an anti-colonial analysis of how Indigenous knowledges have been studied and conceptualized through ethnographic research in the field of development studies. In this analysis I apply meta-ethnography within an anti-colonial discursive framework, a combination that I argue has great potential in the study of power relations in qualitative knowledge production. Firstly, this approach allows me to provide a synthesis of purposively selected ethnographies from the development studies literature; secondly, it requires that I refer to Indigenous scholars’ critical writings in the education literature to analyze development studies ethnographers’ approaches to Indigenous knowledges. The results of this analysis provide a starting point for questioning epistemological racism and colonial power relations at play in knowledge production on Indigenous knowledges in the field of development studies, with important implications for how we teach, study, and conduct research in development.

“Indigenousness and the Reconstruction of the Other in Guatemalan Indigenous Literature” examines the production of a contemporary Indigenous literature in Guatemala. With the aid of a multidisciplinary approach informed by cultural, feminist, gender, socio-anthropological, and postcolonial studies, I analyze the emergence and ongoing struggle of Maya writers in Guatemala to show how the production of an alternate ideology contests official notions of nationhood and promotes a more inclusive space. I argue that Maya writers redefine Indigenous identity by reinstating Indigenous agency and self-determination, and deconstructing and rearticulating ethnicity, class and gender, among other markers of identity. I begin by examining the indio as the basis of colonial and national narratives that logically organize the Guatemalan nation. I then observe the emergence of a contemporary Indigenous literature in Guatemala in the 1970s, a literature that, I argue, isolates and contests the position that was assigned to the indio and proposes a literature written by and for the Indigenous peoples of Guatemala. I posit that the inauguration of a Maya cultural space occurs with Luis de Lión’s novel El tiempo principia en Xibalbá (1985) and Gaspar Pedro González’ La otra cara (1992). I then observe the destabilization of traditional Maya female roles and symbols in the recent work of female Indigenous poets, Calixta Gabriel Xiquín and Maya Cu. Lastly, in the work of Víctor Montejo and Humberto Ak’abal I identify a negotiation of heterogeneity and essentialism for the development of a cultural project that looks to the formation of a pluricultural, plurinational Guatemalan state.

In exploring Tiv and Inuit conflict resolution processes, this study found astute principles in operation. The case study groups afforded expanded understandings of human conflict and conflict resolution based upon time tested cultural approaches. These approaches recommend people oriented models to problem solving, which reach beyond problems to transform the parties involved in the process. These are purported to be durable means to deal with issues; for if people change positively, their issues are easily transformed as well. Indigenous ideologies of conflict also challenge conventional processes of legal adjudication and offer traditional wisdoms with potential to assist in mediating seemingly intractable and deadly conflicts. Although separated by thousands of miles, Tiv of the Benue Valley in present day Nigeria and Inuit of Northern Canada provide fascinating case examples in their converging cultural ideologies. They have key conditions in common; the use of creative conflict resolution tools and methods within quasi egalitarian social arrangements. Also, while faced with rapidly changing social dynamics, both groups have tenaciously held unto their original cultural tenets for conflict resolution and peacemaking. Their differences are just as compelling; of immediate significance is population size. Inuit are much fewer in number, less than a hundred thousand people and live in smaller settlements. The Tiv group is larger, almost three million people who live in larger urban or rural settings. Inuit brave extremely cold weather conditions for much of the year while Tiv find ways to survive extremely hot weather conditions. Each has shared worthy wisdom for resolving conflicts facing their peoples at various levels; interpersonal conflicts, intergroup violence, youth violence and aggression, as well as cultural principles to prevent social vices such as suicides, murder and generally deteriorating social competencies. This qualitative inquiry integrates narrative, ethnographic and indigenous methodologies to investigate Tiv and Inuit use of original conflict resolution and peacemaking processes usually accomplished through creative means such as storytelling, dance, songs, games, ritual, proverbs, sayings and community processes. Specific attention is paid to the strengths and challenges faced in the practice and application of indigenous theories of conflict and peace. Findings are then incorporated into the contemporary discourse on conflict, peace, justice, conflict resolution and peacemaking. The study is informed by theories of decolonization, indigenous legal theory, post colonialism and conflict transformation.

There is a need to explore how Indigenous knowledge(s) relates to Anishinaabe ongoing resilience. I do this by telling the story of my home and privileging Anishinaabe Gikeedaasiwin, which means Anishinaabe knowledge. This study investigates socio-cultural knowledge(s) of the Lake Nipigon and Lake Superior region in Northern Ontario by using storytelling as a culturally specific research method. A multi-layered reflexivity approach combined with grounded theory act as the basis for a discussion of Anishinaabe ontology and epistemology. The sociology of knowledge provides the framework for critiques of modernist hegemonic knowledge. This study offers a nuanced view of Anishinaabe ways of knowing by considering Anishinaabe writers Patrick McGuire Sr. and Norval Morriseau. Arising from these stories are conceptual thematic understandings which included: The land and relationships to the land are foundational. Eshkakimikwe Giikeedaasiwin – Relational understandings and this is land based knowledge; The relationship between land, spirit and the Anishinaabe - Kiimiingona manda Giikeedaasiwin are part of the original instructions given to the Anishinaabe: There are multiple realities which are accessible by physical and spiritual means. Manidoo Waabiwin – seeing in a spirit way and Kiimiingona manda Giikeedaasiwin are part of the original instructions given to the Anishinaabe are evident; There are cycles of life and the land is sustaining to people. Muskiki Aki means medicine land which provides life; Anishinaabe values of responsibility and obligation are recognized. Gnawaaminjigewin is the responsibility to look, to see, to witness; There is a need to maintain and continue relationships in the world. Bzindamowin is learning by listening and the relational practice of a good life, Mino Bimaadiziwin; and Anishinaabe values relating to transformation, renewal, reciprocity and sharing to maintain life. Manitou Minjimendamowin means spirit memory, teachings on how to live life and Bzindamowin, that is learning by listening, is reflected. This study argued that exploring the survival and resurgence of Anishinaabe knowledge(s) can set different directions for the social renewal and transformation of Anishinaabe societies. This is an important understanding in any future development and social change, and especially resource development directly involving the land.

Preliminary reading and research with Anishanaabe Maamwaye Aki Kiigayewin and the Mississaugas of the New Credit First Nation (MNCFN) indicated that integrating Indigenous Knowledge and Practices into existing social innovation strategies is not always sufficient to provide useful tools for Indigenous innovation process. However, it became clear that social innovation shares common ground with the Indigenous resurgence movement and, when considered along with critical indigenist research strategies, can provide direction for Indigenous innovations at multiple scales. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a preliminary exploration of social innovation from a critical indigenist perspective to increase its utility in Indigenous contexts. Together with Anishanaabe Maamwaye Aki Kiigayewin and MNCFN, and following Indigenous scholars, I have strived to implement
critical indigenist methodologies by linking critical and Indigenous methodologies through action-oriented research to address the asserted
needs and interests of Indigenous partners. Through this critical indigenist approach, I have strived to implement participant observation, reflexivity, and settler storytelling to fulfill my research objectives. Through a discussion of current initiatives undertaken by Anishanaabe Maamwaye Aki Kiigayewin, I demonstrate that major themes and strategies of social innovation are useful in supporting the resurgence of Indigenous Knowledge and Practices. This discussion results in the conclusion that Indigenous innovation is a unique type of social innovation informed by Indigenous Knowledge to promote the resurgence of Indigenous Knowledge and Practices. From this position, I propose a conceptual model for Indigenous innovation that links resilience, social innovation, Indigenous resurgence, and critical indigenist research strategies with the intent to lay a foundation for further development of a historicized, culturally appropriate model that promotes the resurgence of Indigenous Knowledge and Practice. I demonstrate the utility of this model by using it to organize a description of current initiatives underway in MNCFN and then using it to speculate on future initiatives that may foster successful innovation(s) in MNCFN Traditional Territory. In conclusion, articulating Indigenous innovation as a unique type of social innovation may lead to developing approaches to relationship building and knowledge integration that are culturally appropriate and ultimately more useful for Indigenous innovators looking to implement them.

In recent years, heated debates about the definition and evolutionary role of simple, egalitarian hunter-gatherer societies have assumed a central place in hunter-gatherer studies. Since household dynamics are bound to be fundamental in arguments about these issues, the present study examines social change in terms of household integration in Air Bah, a resettlement village of newly sedentary Lanoh hunter-gatherers and forest collectors of Peninsular Malaysia. The Lanoh have accepted inequality more readily than cooperation and binding relationships. Household integration has remained partial because, even in households of self-aggrandizers, younger men retain their individual autonomy. This incomplete household integration, in turn, continues to affect kinship group and village integration, preventing Air Bah from developing into a centralized "village community." These findings suggest substantial revisions in our understanding of the sociality and evolutionary significance of the "simplest" hunter-gatherer societies.

In Chile’s neoliberal economy, large-scale timber plantations controlled by national and multinational forest corporations have expanded significantly on traditional indigenous territories. Chile’s forestry sector began to expand rapidly in 1974, the year following the military coup, owing to the privatization of forest lands and the passing of Decree 701. That law continues to provide large subsidies for afforestation, as well as tax exemptions for plantations established after 1974. As a consequence, conflicts have developed between indigenous communities and forestry companies, with the latter actively supported by government policies. The Mapuche people, the largest indigenous group in Chile, have been demanding the right to control their own resources. Meanwhile, they have been bearing the physical and social costs of the forestry sector’s growth. Since democracy returned to Chile in 1990, governments have done little to strengthen the rights of indigenous peoples. Government policy in this area is ill-defined; it consists mainly of occasional land restitution and monetary compensation when conflicts with the Mapuche threaten to overheat. This, however, is coupled with heavy-handed actions by the police and the legal system against Mapuche individuals and groups. From a political ecology perspective, this thesis examines how indigenous communities resort to various political strategies to accommodate, resist, and/or negotiate as political-economic processes change, and how these responses in turn shape natural resource management and, it follows, the local environment. My findings are that the environmental and social impacts associated with landscape transformation are shaped not only by structural changes brought about by economic and political forces but also, simultaneously, by smaller acts of political, cultural, and symbolic protest. Emerging forms of political agency are having expected and unexpected consequences that are giving rise to new processes of environmental change. Evidence for my argument is provided by a case study that focuses on the political strategies followed by the Mapuche movement. I analyze the obstacles that are preventing the Chilean government from addressing more effectively the social, economic, and cultural needs of indigenous peoples through resource management policies. Government policies toward the Mapuche have not encompassed various approaches that might facilitate conflict resolution, such as effective participation in land use plans, natural resource management, the protection of the cultural rights of indigenous communities, and the Mapuche people’s right to their own approaches to development. Employing Foucault’s notion of governmentality, I argue that, while the Mapuche have widely contested the state’s neoliberal policies, they have nevertheless been drawn into governing strategies that are fundamentally neoliberal in character. These strategies have reconfigured their relationship with the state, NGOs, and foreign aid donors. Operating at both formal and informal levels of social and political interaction, this new mentality of government employs coercive and co-optive measures to cultivate Mapuche participation in the neoliberal modernization project, while continuing to neglect long-standing relations of inequality and injustice that underpin conflicts over land and resources.

An Indigenous wholistic framework is used to examine the question "what makes a university a successful place for Aboriginal students?" This study moves away from a student deficit discourse by critiquing universities from an Indigenous methodological and theoretical approach in terms of (a) how Indigenous knowledges were defined and found in universities and (b) how Indigenous understandings of success, responsibility, and accountability resonated in three universities in British Columbia, Canada. This research is grounded in Indigenous theory; however, social reproduction theory was used to explain power structures inherent in the mainstream educational system. The Indigenous research process involved a mixed methods approach. Approximately 60 interviews and four sharing circles were held with a total of 92 participants representing various stakeholders across the institution. In addition, the Undergraduate Baccalaureate Graduate Surveys (UBGS) were analyzed to contextualize Aboriginal undergraduate student experiences over the last 10 years. A major finding is that respectful relationships between Aboriginal stakeholders and university faculty and leaders are key to universities becoming more successful places for Aboriginal peoples. This study shows how Indigenous knowledges were present, as pockets of presence, in the academy in programs and through Indigenous faculty, staff, and students. As sites of Indigenous knowledges, First Nations Centres played a critical role by wholistically supporting the cultural integrity of Aboriginal students and being agents of change across the institution. Indigenous wholistic understandings of success challenged hegemonic definitions that emphasized intellectual capital to include the physical, emotional, and spiritual realms. Kirkness and Barnhardt's (1991) 4Rs were used to critically examine the responsibilities of universities to Aboriginal higher education. The following institutional responsibilities were presented: relationships, such as the seen face through Aboriginal presence, having authentic allies, involving Aboriginal communities, and enacting agency; reciprocity and relevance, which addresses issues of limited financial resources, increasing retention and recruitment, and putting words into action; and respect for Indigenous knowledges. Institutional accountability from the Indigenous framework went beyond neo-liberal discourses, to include making policy public, surveillance from inside and outside the institution, and the need for metrics and benchmarks.