Using the IAEA as a case for focused study, this thesis argues that the construction and reconstruction of the Secretariat’s legitimacy has been dependant upon several different legitimating influences at different stages in the IAEA’s evolution. In brief, it will be demonstrated that early on, in the absence of clear non-proliferation norms, power wielded by critical and self-interested actors functioned as the primary legitimator – promoting early development and insulating the organization from outside pressures. However, based upon this particular case, I will also argue that state power alone is insufficient to guarantee legitimacy and the exercise of international public authority, especially in light of the degree to which these institutions are increasingly expected to challenge the territorial sovereignty of member states. In order for an organization to acquire adequate legitimacy to exercise public authority over the long term, it must develop beyond the point at which state power is instrumental, and assume a degree of organizational autonomy. This happened with the evolution of organizational expertise recognizing the IAEA’s bureaucracy as an authority, development of specific nonproliferation rules and norms that placed the IAEA in authority, and “right” processes within the bureaucracy that reinforced these and other substantive norms, positioning the Secretariat as a trusted agent within international society. Thus, the development of a professional identity, successful norms and rules, and the elaboration of a “right” process were key to the creation of legitimacy, and as a consequence, the Secretariat’s exercise of public authority in support of the safeguards regime.

Yu Hongyuan. / "January 2004." / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Abstracts in English and Chinese.

In the Twenty-first Century, sustainable water management is likely to be humanity's greatest challenge in a world of ever-increasing demand. Legal instruments both international and national regulate and provide a general framework for the use and management of international waters. Future basin management agreements can be informed by examining the degree of success, in terms of sustainability and equity, achieved by such agreements. That success can be influenced by the degree to which such agreements support the human right to water implicitly stated in international customary law, through a collaborative management approach. Since 1988, attempts by communities on the Pongolo floodplain to be involved in Pongolopoort Dam releases, have met with little success. Recently, the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry has begun to support those efforts, but the approach remains a sectoral one, and is primarily concerned with water issues. The South African National Water Act 36 of 1998 provides for environmental management and public participation, as well as providing explicitly for the rights of individual water users, but its implementation is hampered by an overwhelming emphasis on technical considerations and a lack of political will to embrace collaborative management systems. Little effort is expended on collaborative management methods, though the level of transparency in water management is improving, despite remaining highly centralised. The level and extent of incentives for local community participation is low, and systematic monitoring is in its early development. International river basin agreements generally take a top-down or state-driven approach, though there are some examples where local cross-border communities have participated successfully in the implementation of international agreements and management of transboundary basins. South Africa, Swaziland and M09ambique signed the Interim Incomaputo Agreement, which includes the Maputo basin, in August 2002. Once again, the approach to this agreement has been highly sectoral in that negotiations were handled entirely by water officials in the relevant countries. A lack of transparency has prevailed in the negotiation stages, though through the basin studies, which will inform implementation plans, the level of participation should improve. There is overwhelming consensus that integrated management is the key to sustainable international river basin management. Formal and systematic methods for inter-departmental communication, both nationally and internationally are currently not being implemented, which has significant negative impacts on integrated management. Research in this area represents an opportunity to explore collaborative management of an international river basin in an area that is, as yet, unstressed in terms of population and water supply. / Thesis (M.Env.Dev.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002.

Bibiography: leaves 91-96. The Timor Gap area is managed jointly by Australia and Indonesia through the Treaty of Timor Gap (1989). The Zone of Cooperation area A 's main activity is oil exploration and exploitation. The main concern of the research is the provisions for environmental protection and the procedure of environmental impact assessment in the Treaty.

International criminality has been a challenging phenomenon for national police forces for years. States have developed international police cooperation relations and extradition instruments in order to fight international criminal activity. This treatise explores the reasons for the rise in transnational organized crime activities in Europe and presents an in-depth explanation concerning the emergence, mandates, and structures of multilateral police collaboration systems such as Interpol, Trevi, Schengen, and Europol. Since the extradition has become an inseparable part of international policing, this study examines the improvements in extradition procedure and emphasizes the importance of extradition. Finally this study compares traditional (European Convention on Extradition of 1957) and new (European Arrest Warrant) extradition systems.

This thesis is a study of the attitude of the Canadian Government towards the organization and operation of international institutions rather than a study of the policies pursued in them. Special emphasis is laid, upon two basic problems: the broad institutional framework of international society, dealt with in Part I, and the relationship of great and small states, the theme of part II. Each Part is prefaced by a brief analytical chapter (Chapters IX and VIII). Apart from the introductory chapter, the thesis is almost entirely confined to the period from the outbreak of war in 1939 to the immediate aftermath of the invasion of South Korea in 1950. The opening chapter traces the development of Canadian policy towards international institutions from the early days after Confederation to the post- war period. During the inter-war years, the primary appeal of tie League of Nations to Canada was as a means of asserting her international status. At the same time, she was most reluctant to assume international responsibilities, particularly obligations to impose automatic military sanctions against an aggressor. Early in the Second World War, her attitude began to change, and she earns to accept not only the principle of collective security but also the need to play her full part in it. The Canadian Government was also determined to ensure that, in the reconstruction of international government, the fullest attention was paid to the question of removing the underlying economic and social causes of war.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After being sidelined for a number of years, South Africa finds itself readmitted to the international community. One of the many issues at stake now is the reform of the United Nations Security Council. This study looks at South Africa's aim to make substantial changes in the international system, with the Security Council being one of the target institutions. This is a mammoth task for South Africa and the study points out the challenges that go with engaging in this process. The study points out an element of ambiguity in South Africa's foreign policy and the challenges that go with making multilateralism a cornerstone of such a policy. While it is not yet clear as to whether South Africa will succeed in changing the behaviour of states and the practice of multilateral institutions, it is at the moment participating in debates that might lead to such changes. South Africa's participation in the Open Ended Working Committee on the reform of the United Nations Security Council constitutes one move among others to ensure a change in the practice of the Security Council. The limits of making multilateralism a cornerstone of foreign policy are outlined with the aim of making policy-makers aware of the implications of the broad scope of their ambiguous foreign policy. While it is necessary to avoid engaging in assignments that might be difficult to manage, the need for South Africa to focus only on what is achievable and not to try and punch above its weight is one aspect this paper emphasises. The paper ends by making recommendations, which include (among others) that South Africa should attempt to secure a seat in the reformed Security Council should such an opportunity arise, but only after a careful consideration of her abilities. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Na jare van politieke isolasie is Suid-Afrika weer 'n volwaardige lid van die internasionale gemeenskap. Die hervorming van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) se Veiligheidsraad, het binne die konteks van buitelandse beleid, een van die land se vernaamste uitdagings geword. Hierdie studie plaas Suid-Afrika se hervormingspogings van die internasionale stelselonder die soeklig, en fokus veralop die rol van die VN Veiligheidsraad. Die omvang van dié proses kan nie onderskat word nie, en die studie poog om die vernaamste uitdagings van hierdie hervormings te identifiseer. Die opdrag poog om te wys op 'n mate van teenstrydigheid wat in Suid- Afrika se buitelandse beleid te bespeur is, asook die uitdagings verbonde aan die vestiging van multilaterale betrekkinge as hoeksteen van sodanige beleid. Hoewel daar nog nie duidelikheid bestaan oor die mate van sukses wat die land behaal het met betrekking tot die gedrag van state en die praktyk van multilaterale betrekkinge nie, neem dit tans deel aan debate wat mag lei tot beleidsverandering in hierdie velde. Suid-Afrika se deelname aan die VN Veiligheidraad se Ope Werkskonunittees, rakende die hervorming van hierdie liggaam, is een voorbeeld van die land se verbintenis tot die verandering van Veiligheidsraad praktyke. Die beperkings rakende mulilaterale betrekkinge, 'n steunpilaar van internasionale beleid, word uitgelig ten einde beleidsmakers bewus te maak van die omvattende aard van 'n dikwels, onduidelike, buitelandse beleid. Die opdrag benadruk die feit dat Suid-Afrika sal moet poog om slegs betrokke te raak in internasionale aksies wat binne sy vermoëns val. Dit word afgesluit met 'n aantal aanbevelings. Een hiervan is 'n pleidooi dat Suid-Afrika permanente lidmaatskap van die 'n hervormde Veiligheidsraad verkry indien die geleentheid dit voordoen. Sodanige deelname kan egter eers geskied na deeglike oorweging van die land se vermoës binne hierdie sfeer.

published_or_final_version / Chinese Historical Studies / Master / Master of Arts

Foreign aid has become more and more popular after World War II; aiming to support undeveloped countries to accomplish economic growth. It is common for countries that once achieved a development stage to support other countries that haven’t; but aid as an instrument for promoting economic growth has had its difficulties to be effective and efficient. Many types of aid are used to maximize its impact and support among their recipient’s countries, nevertheless intentions from donors or surrounding conditions from recipients has not been the best to do so. Taiwan, who previously was a recipient of aid, has become a donor; it has aimed its support to those countries that not only support Taiwan’s international status but also need to achieve economic growth. Nicaragua is one of the countries who are supported by the ROC government. The main problem when supporting other countries development is evaluating the impact or efficiency with which aid is handed; therefore it is crucial for the donor country, in this case the ROC to estimate the effectiveness and efficiency of their aid. The purpose of this study is to evaluate Taiwan’s ICDF aid to the Nicaraguan society by SWOT analysis. This evaluation is important in order to establish if Taiwan’s aid has been effective or efficient; and for Nicaraguan society to acknowledge if economic growth is being achieved and how. Taiwan’s ICDF has cooperated in the country by promoting not only funding for Nicaraguan government projects but also throughout technical assistance to locals; which aim to improve their productions, auto sustainability and technical skills. This research will prove that indeed Taiwan ICDF has helped Nicaraguan society to accomplish economic growth throughout their projects, and will also provide some suggestions to maximize even more their impact among Nicaraguans. Keywords: Aid, Taiwan ICDF, Projects, Taiwan, ROC, Nicaragua, Bilateral Relations, Economic growth, SWOT analysis.

<p>The underlying rational behind the protection of intellectual property rights is to strike a balance between the interests of intellectual property rights holders on the one hand and users of protected knowledge on the other hand. This thesis sought to achieve the following objectives: to create a good understanding of the historical development of the primary and secondary legal instruments related to the intellectual property rights/public health debate / to determine to what extent a balance is struck by the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights with reference to the flexibilities provided for in the Treaty, read together with the subsequent World Trade Organization Ministerial Declarations and TRIPS Council Decisions / to evaluate the extent to which selected developing and least developed country members of the World Trade Organization have taken measures to implement the said flexibilities, taking cognizance of their relevant strengths and weaknesses / to suggest ways in which select countries in the developing world specifically India and Zambia can take greater advantage of the flexibilities to promote better access to medicines which taking into consideration various opportunities and threats that are foreseeable / to identify public health aspects of TRIPS that the developing country and least developed countries World Trade Organization members would do well to address in further negotiations.</p>