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Orientador: Angélica Lovatto / Banca: Lúcio Flávio de Almeida / Banca: Marcos Tadeu Del Roio / Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho foi demonstrar a influência da teoria da dependência nas Ciências Sociais, especialmente no pós 1964, particularmente as teses de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Ruy Mauro Marini que, de maneiras distintas, apresentaram os problemas inerentes ao capitalismo dependente brasileiro, cada qual apontando categorias diversas, como forma de se pensar a superação ou no mínimo uma solução para os problemas advindos dessa forma específica de subordinação. Além de apresentar as ideias principais dos autores, também foram expostas as diversas análises que pesquisadores, das mais diversas áreas do conhecimento - a partir das alternativas que Cardoso e Marini propuseram para a solução da dependência brasileira - discutiram, avaliaram e opinaram sobre as contribuições dos autores para a compreensão dos problemas econômico-políticos da subalternidade brasileira. A partir da hipótese de que foi a tese de Cardoso que mais teve influência nas Ciências Sociais propondo um desenvolvimento brasileiro associado-dependente, foram expostos os motivos pelos quais, a possível predominância desse pensamento obstaculizou o debate acerca da teoria da dependência, fazendo com que, durante anos, houvesse a divulgação de uma espécie de "pensamento único", aceito como inquestionável, e que fez com que as teses de Marini fossem mal compreendidas ou no mínimo ficassem em segundo plano. A partir disso, os pesquisadores e comentadores dessas obras passaram a ter grande importância nesta pesquisa, posto que apresentaram as razões pelas quais não teria havido, no Brasil, um debate acerca dos autores dependentistas marxistas - Ruy Mauro Marini, Theotônio dos Santos e Vânia Bambirra - expondo as razões históricas do "não-debate". Além disso, foram expostas as críticas de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e José Serra a Ruy Mauro Marini, bem como a defesa do último, que até o ano 2000 não havia sido publicada... / Abstract: The aim of this study was to demonstrate the influence of dependency theory in the social sciences, especially after 1964, particularly theses Cardoso and Ruy Mauro Marini that, in different ways, presented the problems inherent to the Brazilian dependent capitalism, each pointing various categories as a way of thinking to overcome or at least a solution to the problems created by this particular form of subordination. Besides presenting the main ideas of the authors , the various analyzes that researchers from various fields of knowledge were also exposed - from the alternatives that Cardoso and Marini proposed for the solution of the Brazilian dependency - discussed, evaluated and commented on draft contributions authors to understand the economic and political problems of the Brazilian inferiority. From the assumption that was the thesis that Cardoso had more influence in the Social Sciences proposing an associated -dependent Brazilian development, the reasons for the predominance of this thinking can be hampered the debate about dependency theory were exposed, making for years, there was the release of a kind of "single thought", accepted as unquestionable, which made Marini's theses being misunderstood or at least staying in the background. From this, the researchers and commentators, these works have gained great importance in this research, since it showed the reasons why there would have been, in Brazil, a debate about authors dependent Marxists - Ruy Mauro Marini, Theotônio dos Santos and Vania Bambirra - exposing the historical reasons for this "non-debate". Moreover, the criticism of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and José Serra to Ruy Mauro Marini, as well as the defense of the latter, which until 2000 had not been published in Brazil were exposed. Thus, with the exposition of ideas of Cardoso and Marini was understood that the predominance of the theses of the first studies on... / Mestre

One of the most pressing problems of developing countries is their economic and political dependence on the major global powers, which is thought to impose severe constraints on the ability of LDCs to pursue autonomous development. This thesis explicates and examines one strategy to reduce dependence, as it is developed and pursued by the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and Singapore). The elements of this strategy are diversification of economic relations and restructuring of memberships in international organizations. Policies leading to diversification in the areas of international trade and foreign direct investment are described, and evaluated through statistical analysis of trade and investment flows for the period 1967 to 1978. The evolution of ASEAN is examined, particularly as it bears on economic issues. Patterns of memberships in global and regional international organizations and transnational associations are examined for evidence of a greater capacity for collective behavior on the part of the ASEAN members. The study concludes that there has been modest progress toward reducing the structural basis of dependence, although there are numerous limitations to diversification. The ASEAN members remain dependent, but less so. Their strategy may offer an alternative to other collective self-reliance strategies pursued by Third World nations. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This dissertation presents three essays in financial economics. The essays study the impact of trade globalization through the lens of the financial market. The first chapter investigates the effect of trade liberalization policy on firm value. I identify this effect by exploiting cross-sectional differences in firms' exposure to potential tariff hikes imposed on U.S. imports from China. I find that the Chinese equity market responded negatively to a major U.S.-China trade liberalization event in 2000, and the responses were driven by inefficient state-owned institutions. The analysis also implies that policy uncertainty elimination may generate distributional gains from market share reallocation. The second chapter focuses on the role of implicit protection from trade globalization and its impact on the U.S. equity market. The third chapter explores the consequences of the U.S.-China trade war.

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Thesis (Ph.D. (International Politics)) -- University of Limpopo, 2021 / This thesis analyses China’s foreign policy towards Africa. Given that the rich literature on the discourse employs “traditional” theories such as realism, liberalism and social constructivism, the researcher employs an alternative theory of Afrocentricity on China-Africa relations. As an emerging theory in International Politics that is grounded and orientated in African value systems, Afrocentricity provides an alternative perspective in making sense of Global South relations. The study further makes use of case study design to make a comparative analysis of China’s engagement in Africa. The two African states utilised as case studies includes Zambia and Zimbabwe, respectively. The usage of two case studies allowed the researcher to showcase how internal politics of African states influence to some extent; China’s engagements in the continent. Despite the two China-Africa policy of 2006 and 2015, this thesis argues that China’s relations with each African state is unique. The generalisation on several findings of China’s engagement with one African state observed in the existing literature enforces the epistemic violence on the rest of African states in terms of the explanation and understanding of their bilateral relations with China. This is so because China’s engagement with one state cannot be regarded as a microcosm of China’s engagement with the rest of African states in formal diplomatic relations with it. Unlike the dominant theories that problematise China-Africa relations, Afrocentricity proposes a holistic approach on making sense of Sino-Africa relations. The thesis comparatively explore China’s foreign policy towards Zambia and Zimbabwe from the year 2010 to 2018. In doing so, qualitative approach was conducted. Data source triangulation was utilised in addressing the research problem to enhance the credibility and dependability of the study. The study made us of thematic analysis by analysing data by theme and sub-themes. The thesis finds that China’s relations with African states is still a debated terrain with different views. The views can be quite misleading if focused on one specific state or project under study. v More so, China’s engagements become more explicit when explored at both regional and continental context. The study further denotes the ignored reality that China does not only prioritise rich oil states in the continent. Instead, there are quite a number of interests pursued by China in Africa such as mineral resources; investments, markets as well as farming and commercial agriculture driving China’s engagement in Zambia and Zimbabwe respectively. The thesis also reflects on China’s extent of abiding to the principles of peaceful co-existence in its relations with Zambia and Zimbabwe. Amongst the recommendations of this study and way forward is that future research on China-Africa relations could explore other African states in bilateral relations with it. This would assist in deviating from the generalised view of China-Africa relations which is not detailed and does not assist in showcasing comprehensive reality on the ground. Alternatively, scholars can consider the same case studies and make use of different delimitations to help detect if there is any gradual shift of China’s foreign policy from the years focused in this study. Upcoming works can consider contributions of China-Africa relations from a non-western perspective such as Afrocentricity employed in this study.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After the end of the Cold War hopes were high for a freer, fairer new world order. This did not happen. What the world got instead was globalisation - a complex phenomenon born from the interaction of political and economic liberalisation and technological change. Much of the impetus behind globalisation was derived from the prescriptions of the so-called Washington Consensus, which given its powerful influence in developing countries forced them to integrate into the global economy - to the point that integration became a virtual substitute for development policy. The benefits of globalisation were unevenly spread around the world and those who had most, stood to gain most from it. While Multinational Corporations and inhabitants of the developed world were definite winners the losers included workers, the environment and financial market stability. As the full impact of globalisation was beginning to be felt criticism of the process emerged particularly, but not exclusively, from the NGO community and left-leaning commentators. These critics are diverse and do not have much in common, but have at times created alliances of convenience. Most critics however agree that international organisations play an important part in globalisation and that in order to impact on globalisation they would have to impact on these organisations. A particularly abundant area of criticism relates to the threats posed to the global commons. There is very little agreement though on how to deal with the threats. Suggestions range from a return to subsistence production and disengagement from the international trade system to using market forces and new technologies to benefit the global environment. Among the organisations with most critics are the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. A variety of factors contribute to the need for international financial institutions reform. These include: the blurring of their missions; the ineffectiveness of their assistance; and lack of transparency and accountability. The international financial institutions have however been remarkably effective at shielding themselves from calls for reform. The reasons for this are not only political (lack of agreement on required reforms) but also institutional (management siding with powerful stakeholders or pursuing their own agenda). The World Trade Organisation is another target of criticism. As with the international financial institutions the exact nature of future reforms is impossible to surmise, nevertheless environmental and development issues are certainly on the agenda. Decision-making is also likely to be revisited, with the focus being on reconciling effectiveness with representativeness. What is least likely to happen though is what is most needed - a thorough assessment of the World Trade ..Organisation's role in global governance and its relations with other institutions. This will not be possible without a rebalancing of power between the World Trade Organisation and international financial institutions on one side, and the UN family of institutions on the other. Reforming current systems of global governance may also involve creating new organisations. While there are a host of institutions active in global governance there is no formal mechanism to coordinate their efforts. This is where a UN Economic Security Council can playa major role, not least because such a body would give the international system a degree of legitimacy that it has so far lacked. A World Central Bank is however not an institution likely to be seen in the foreseeable future - it is too complex and many states will not give up monetary sovereignty as it impacts on too many other policy areas. It is widely acknowledged that a Currency Transaction Tax will go a considerable way in stabilising the international monetary system, while at the same time raising funds to finance global development. It is an elegant solution that is gaining political support worldwide. The institutional arrangements for its implementation and collection are however still subject to much debate. These are only a few possible ways in which the global economy may be reformed in the short to medium term. In the long term the most likely outcome is a loosely structured web of institutions that together form something akin to global federalism / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Na die einde van die Koue Oorlog is groot hoop gekoester vir 'n vryer, regverdiger nuwe wêreld orde. Dit het nooit gebeur nie. Instede daarvan het die wêreld globalisering gekry - 'n komplekse verskynsel gebore uit die interaksie van politieke en ekonomiese liberalisering en tegnologiese verandering. 'n Groot deel van die impetus agter globalisering het sy ontstaan in die voorskrifte van die sogenaamde Washington Konsensus, wat gegewe sy invloed in die ontwikkelende wêreld baie state gedwing het om in die wêreldekonomie te integreer - tot die punt dat integrasie byna 'n alternatief vir ontwikkelingsbeleid geword het. Die voordele van globalisering was ongelyk versprei, en die wat meeste gehad het, het gestaan om meeste voordeel daaruit te trek. Terwyl multinasionale maatskappye en inwoners van die ontwikkelde wêreld ongetwyfelde wenners was, was werkers, die omgewing en finansiële mark stabiliteit onder die verloorders. Soos wat die impak van globalisering meer en meer gevoel is het dit ook kritiek ontlok, veral - maar nie alleenlik - uit nie-regeringsorganisasie kringe en van linksgesinde kommentators. Alhoewel hierdie kritici nie veel in gemeen het nie, het hulle by tye gemaksalliansies gevorm. Die meeste kritici stem egter saam dat internasionale organisasies 'n belangrike rol speel in globalisering en dat om 'n impak op globalisering te maak dit nodig is om 'n impak op hierdie organisasies te maak. 'n Besonder vrugbare area van kritiek hou verband met bedreigings tot die sogenaamde "globale meent". Daar is egter baie min instemming oor hoe om die bedreigings te hanteer. Voorstelle wissel van 'n terugkeer na bestaansproduksie en terugtrede van die internasionale handelstelsel tot die gebruik van mark kragte en nuwe tegnologie tot voordeel van die wêreld omgewing. Onder die organisasies met van die meeste kritici is die Internasionale Monetêre Fonds en die Wêreld Bank. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore dra by tot die behoefte aan hervorming van die internasionale finansiële instellings. Hierdie sluit in: die verwarring van hulle onderskeie missies, die oneffektiwiteit van hulle bystand, en 'n gebrek aan deursigtigheid en verantwoording. Die internasionale finansiële instellings is egter besonder effektief daarin om hulself van oproepe om hervorming te isoleer. Die redes hiervoor is nie net polities nie (gebrek aan ooreenstemming oor vereiste hervormings) maar ook institusioneel (bestuur kies kant met invloedryke rolspelers of streef hul eie agenda na). Die Wêreld Handelsorganisasie is nog 'n teiken van kritiek. Soos met die internasionale finansiële instellings is dit nie moontlik om die presiese aard van moontlike hervormings te raai nie, desnieteenstaande is omgewings- en ontwikkellingskwessies definitief op die agenda. So ook is besluitneming, met die doel om effektiwiteit en verteenwoordigendheid te versoen. Wat egter mees nodig is, is mins waarskynlik om te gebeur - 'n deurtastende ondersoek na die rol van die Wêreld Handelsorganisasie in wêreld besluitneming en sy verhoudings met ander internasionale instellings. Verandering in hierdie opsig is egter nie moontlik sonder 'n herbalansering van tussen die Wêreld Handelsorganisasie en die internasionale finansiële instellings aan die een kant en die VN familie van instellings aan die ander nie. Hervorming van huidige stelsels van wêreld besluitneming mag ook die skepping van nuwe organisasies behels. Terwyl daar etlike aktiewe organisasies in wêreld besluitneming is, is daar geen formele meganisme om hul aktiwiteite te koordineer nie. In hierdie opsig kan 'n VN Ekonomiese Veiligheidsraad 'n belangrike rol speel, veral omdat so 'n instelling 'n mate van legitimiteit aan die internasionale stelsel kan gee wat dit tot dusver nie gehad het nie. 'n Wêreld Sentrale Bank is egter 'n instelling wat nie in die voorsienbare toekoms die lig sal sien nie - dis te kompleks en baie state sal nie monetêre soewereiniteit wil prysgee nie omrede dit op te veel ander beleidsareas impakteer. Dit word wyd erken dat 'n buitelandse valuta transaksie belasting 'n beduidende stabiliserende invloed op die internasionale monetêre stelsel kan hê, terwyl dit terselfdertyd fondse sal in vir wêreld ontwikkeling. Dis 'n elegante oplossing waarvoor politieke steun wêreldwyd opbou. Die institusionele vergestalting wat benodig word om so 'n belasting te implementeer en administreer is egter nog die onderwerp van vurige debatte. Hierdie is slegs 'n paar van die moontlike maniere waarop die wêreldekonomie oor die kort- tot mediumtermyn hervorm kan word. Oor die langtermyn is die mees waarskynlike uitkoms iets soortgelyk aan 'n losweg gestruktureerde web van instellings wat soortgelyk aan 'n vorm van globale federalisme is.

Thesis (MDF)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Does foreign aid contribute to economic growth? Is the impact of foreign aid conditional on the presence of quality institutions? This issue has attracted much attention over the years from both the donor community and recipient countries given that despite several years of foreign aid flows the increasing high poverty levels raise questions about the effectiveness of foreign aid. Despite several years of study on the relationship between foreign aid and economic growth results have remained inconclusive. Conclusions from various studies on this issue are varied. The conclusions thus far can be summarised as follows: there is a positive relationship between aid and economic growth; there is no relationship between aid and growth; the presence of good governance and institutions is a precondition for aid to have a positive influence on economic growth; and the presence of good governance and institutions is not a precondition for aid to have positive influence on economic growth. The research assignment sought to determine if there is any relationship between foreign aid, economic growth and institutional quality in Zimbabwe for the period 1980 to 2010 using the autoregressive distributed lag approach. In order to determine this relationship, the assignment also examined economic growth theories that have evolved over the years and reviewed existing empirical literature on the subject. An analysis of the economic growth theory revealed a shift from foreign aid being merely assumed to supplement savings to a new approach looking at conditions necessary for it to be effective, with a special focus on institutional quality. To date there has not been any agreement on the definition and institutional characteristics that create an environment conducive for foreign aid. Studies still use indicators that group together a wide range of social structures affecting economic outcomes such as political system, property rights, contract enforcement, and investor protection as measures of institutional quality The research assignment used quality of governance, polity iv and economic freedom of the world index as measures of institutional quality. The empirical results revealed there that there was a positive relationship between foreign aid and economic growth and that all the measures of institutional quality perform best when all are included in the model. This suggests that the effectiveness of aid in Zimbabwe was strongly influenced by the quality of institutions. It is therefore important for the government of Zimbabwe to maintain the rule of law, political stability and economic freedom. This is likely to attract economic agents who can make meaningful investment and resuscitate the Zimbabwean economy.