This thesis examines the development of Sinn Féin's communication strategies and considers how news coverage of the party has evolved in recent years, and in particular with the advent of the Irish peace process from the mid-1990s onwards. The aim of the research presented here is to establish the relationship between the development of the party's professional communication apparatus and the evolution of its news coverage and to determine the extent to which the emergence of a sophisticated approach to communication has impacted upon media coverage. The thesis argues that the development and implementation of the party's professional communication apparatus has been the result of a much wider process of republican reappraisal that took place during the 1980s. This culminated in the 1990s with the transformation of the republican movement into a more constitutional and negotiation-oriented party, while progressively moving away from the armed struggle as a means to achieve Irish re-unification. Moreover, in emphasising that there has been a considerable improvement in the reporting of Sinn Féin; namely that the news media have become progressively more interested in republican predicaments, less biased and more critical of unionism, it also suggests that the improved media coverage must be seen as a result of the political re-alignment of the movement itself. Ultimately, the main argument of this thesis is that we are now witnessing a new phase of the republican movement and, by proxy, of Northern Irish politics and its coverage in the media. This has meant that Sinn Féin has become more wiling to reach a political compromise and to find a peaceful solution to the conflct, and has attempted to affirm itself as a party with political and social interests, other than Irish re-unification. This has also forced the British government to reappraise its own view of the conflict and of Sinn Féin, recognising above all that the party and Northern Irish politics have evolved from a situation of war to one where it is dominated by careful and sensitive diplomacy. The result is that most of the common assumptions held about Sinn Féin including those of some academics, its political communication and its news coverage, must now be reconsidered in light of the radical transformations that have taken place.

This thesis examines speeches made by Irish members of the British House of Commons concerning the Government of Ireland Bill (1912). The most significant source use was the Parliamentary Debates of the House of Commons, 1912 to 1914. The organization of the Irish political parties is outlined in Chapter One. The next two chapters deal with their view of Irish history during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The fourth chapter focuses upon the bill in committee, and the fifth chapter examines the more general debate on the bill. The conclusions of the final chapter suggest that advocates of the bill were motivated by Irish nationalism, while opponents were motivated by economic ties to Great Britain.

Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Études anglophones--Paris 3, 2006. Titre de soutenance : Évolution du discours identitaire de la communauté ethnique protestante d'Ulster : l'Ordre d'Orange et ses rituels. / Bibliogr. p. 489-518. Notes bibliogr. Index.

This thesis, Strangers in the House, illuminates how "strangers in the house"--unconventional women, Travellers, emigrants and immigrants--have made significant contributions to the evolving traditions of Irish literature and culture. I trace the literary and creative contributions of groups that were silenced during the early twentieth-century nation-building project to review the impact of the Irish Revival, from the politics of Arthur Griffith and Eamon de Valera to the writings of Yeats, Gregory and Synge, on the establishment of an "authentic" Irish identity. I draw on scholarship that establishes Ireland as a postcolonial nation, suggesting that contemporary identity is closely linked to the national, religious and gender expectations reinforced during the periods of colonialism and decolonization. My scholarship considers individuals who continue to be peripheral in the "reimagining" of what it means to be Irish in a post-Celtic Tiger, E.U. Ireland.

No description available.

There is no abstract available for this thesis. / Department of Anthropology

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 178-191).

When the federation of the thirteen English colonies into the United States of America was finally achieved in 1776, powerful influences had made it certain that this new nation would have religious freedom and that it would not maintain an established church. Among those influences was the influence of an overwhelming number of settlers known as Ulster Scots, or Scotch-Irish, who emigrated into the colonies from Northern Ireland between the years 1720 and 1775. They came as dissenters from the Established Church in northern Ireland and remained dissenters from the Established Church as they found it where they settled along the frontiers of the Southern Colonies of Virginia, North and South Carolina. From 1720, the year these Ulstermen emigrated to the colonies in any appreciable numbers, until 1775 at the outbreak of hostilities between the colonies and England, they exerted a significant influence upon the achievement of religious liberty. Although the Ulster Scots were the most widely distributed of immigrants except those from England, being found in all thirteen colonies at the time of the Revolution, their influence in achieving religious freedom was most effective in the Southern Colonies where their numbers were most effective in the Southern Colonies where their numbers were five times as large as in the north. The development of religious liberty in colonial America has been determined to have had its impetus in three factors. First, the large and influential number of sects in the colonies; second, the liberal philosophy of sects in the colonies; second, the liberal philosophy of the 18th century with its relationalistic temper coupled with a fervent evangelical zeal that is reflected in the revivalistic movement of the Great Awakening across the middle of the 18th century; and thirdly, the ecclesiastical and political influence and interference of England. The Ulster Scots were directly concerned with the first and second factors. The third factor, however, does not relate itself to them primarily because they were situated on the western frontier of the Southern Colonies and not directly connected with any major commercial interests which developed such a display of emotion as was to be found in such centers of commerce as Boston and Philadelphia. The effort on the part of some colonials to prevent the appointment of a resident Bishop of the Anglican Church in the colonies does not appear to have made much impression on the Ulster Scots in the Southern Colonies, as the opponents to such a move were confined principally to the New England and to a lesser extent in the Middle Colonies. Opposition in the Southern Colonies to the appointment of a resident Bishop was found among the Anglican planters who had, for all intents and purposes, control of the Establishment through the vestries and did not wish to lose it. Because the Ulster Scots were the largest group among the sects dissenting from the Establishment who settled in the Southern Colonies their influence was proportionately greater in the achievement of religious liberty in these colonies than any other. But equal in importance with their numerical strength was the site of their settlements in the Southern Colonies. Prevented largely from setting in the more well-established tidewater area of the colonies of Virginia and South Carolina, they were forced to push westward into what was called the back country, or the frontier settlements were initiated by the emigration of these Ulster Scots from the colony of Pennsylvania who came down the eastern and western valleys of the mountain range which extends across the western flank of the Southern Colonies. There, in the isolation of the wilderness, their influence for the achievement of religious liberty exerted itself along with other dessenters from the Establishment so as to hasten the disestablishment of the Anglican church in the Southern colonies at the outbreak of the revolution, and usher in religious liberty.

En 1976, le phénomène punk surgit à Londres, semble remettre en cause certains des codes sociaux et des normes culturelles la société britannique, et est le sujet d’une « panique morale ». La même année, en Irlande du Nord, 297 personnes sont tuées à cause du conflit. Les Sex Pistols invoquent l’anarchie dans leurs textes, mais pour les nord-irlandais, « Anarchy in the UK » est bien plus qu’une chanson : il s’agit de leur quotidien. Pourtant, alors que le conflit fait rage, alors que protestants et catholiques restent cantonnés dans leurs quartiers respectifs, des centaines de jeunes issus de deux communautés que tout semble opposer se retrouvent semaine après semaine dans les mêmes lieux pour partager une passion commune : celle du punk rock. Quelles sont les spécificités que présentent le punk en Irlande du Nord ? Quel impact ce phénomène de culture populaire a-t-il sur les pratiques des jeunes Nord-Irlandais qui participent à cette scène et à cette subculture alors que le conflit bat son plein ? Quels mécanismes permettent aux punks d’imaginer et d’incarner une « Alternative Ulster » ? Afin d’apporter des réponses à ces questions, le présent travail s’attache à retracer l’émergence de la scène punk nord-irlandaise (1976-1983), à analyser les manières dont sont « pratiqués » les lieux sur lesquels elle repose, à interroger l’importance de la tenue et du corps punk et, finalement, à mettre en lumière les thématiques qui traversent la chanson punk. / In 1976, punk took the United Kingdom by surprise, and for one brief moment, challenged some of the cultural and social assumptions of British society, shocking public opinion and causing an outbreak of moral panic in its wake. The Sex Pistols could sing about it, but for people living in Northern Ireland, “Anarchy in the UK” was more than just a song, it was what they experienced in their everyday lives. Yet, while the conflict raged on, and at a time when cross-community contact had become uncommon, a minority of the North’s youth turned to punk. These young Catholics and Protestants ignored their political and religious differences and met up in streets and record shops during the day, and at night crowded into the few bars and pubs that allowed punk bands to play. What specific features did Northern Ireland punk display? What impact did this popular culture phenomenon have on the practices of the young participants who took part in this scene and subculture in the midst of the “Troubles”? What mechanisms enabled punks to imagine and embody an “Alternative Ulster”? In order to find answers to these questions, we will provide an account of the emergence of the punk scene in Northern Ireland (1976-1983), analyse the ways in which its spaces were “practiced”, examine the importance of punk dress and, finally, explore the themes which appear in punk rock songs.

In early 1868 William E. Gladstone presented several bills in Parliament to disestablish the Church of Ireland. Prior to 1868 Gladstone had stated his opposition to the official connection between the Church of Ireland and the State. Gladstone, however, had also claimed that he was not in favor of immediate action and instead advocated restraint in attacking the Church of Ireland. The 1860's also saw the rise of the Fenian organization. The Fenians were dedicated to the overthrow of English rule in Ireland and the establishment of an Irish republic. The role that the Fenians played in convincing Gladstone to disestablish the Irish church has received varying interpretations from historians; yet no attempt has been made to look closely at the issue.