This study constructs a analytical framework in which the Labor Union has full bargaining power and firms are heterogeneous to analyze the economic effect for adjustment of minimum wage ratio. There are two features in this model. First, every firm shows heterogeneity in productivity and survivors of the market are only those with good productivity. Second, the labor union has sufficient power to bargain wage ratio. The main findings of this study include: 1. Increase in the minimum wage ratio raises the survival threshold and labor wage ratio, but decreases the numbers of firms. 2. Increase in the minimum wage ratio does not necessarily result in decrease of labor demand.

The Minimum Wage Ordinance was introduced since 1 May 2011. It was widely discussed among the society on how it affects the economy and the market nature of Hong Kong. Employer has carried out different measures on either changing the term of employment contract or raise up the requirement for the employee as to compensate the addition salary cost they have paid under this regulation. Being a participant in building management service, we observe that owners/ residents rise up their expectation on the performance of building attendant. They believe the increase of salary under MWO would motivate the building attendant on their work and it would also attract more candidates with higher qualification and personal ability to join the service sector. However, there is a variation between the expectation and the reality. This research is attempted to identify whether the implementation of MWO would improve the performance of building attendant and what are the factors of giving such impact by studying the change of labour market of building management and the result of customer satisfaction survey conduct in this research. From these findings, we would try to verify if there is any direct relationship between MWO and building staff performance and recommend some appropriate strategy to owners/resident on how to improve the performance of building attendant. / published_or_final_version / Housing Management / Master / Master of Housing Management

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 1987. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 285-286).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Harvard University, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 166-177).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1962. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Orientador: Cláudio Salvadori Dedecca / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T00:38:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jungbluth_Adriana_M.pdf: 1862911 bytes, checksum: a90ae6fa842f0c4ca1c808d500945ea4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: O salário mínimo é uma instituição do mercado de trabalho utilizada atualmente em parte expressiva dos países capitalistas, sejam eles desenvolvidos ou em desenvolvimento. Seu objetivo principal é estabelecer uma remuneração mínima aos trabalhadores de determinado setor de atividade ou a todos os trabalhadores de uma região ou país. Nas primeiras experiências de sua utilização, seu foco era restrito a setores de atividade específicos, com o passar dos anos, sua aplicação passou a ser para a economia como um todo, tornando-se uma política de extrema importância. No Brasil o salário mínimo foi instituído pelo governo Getúlio Vargas em 1940. De sua implantação até os dias atuais, ele passou por períodos longos de desvalorização. Apenas no período mais recente, a partir de 1995, ele voltou a desempenhar uma trajetória de recuperação, fundamental para recuperar seu poder de compra, que atualmente é inferior àquele no momento de sua criação, e para a distribuição de renda. O objetivo deste estudo é analisar o período recente de valorização do salário mínimo e o papel que desempenha como ferramenta de valorização dos rendimentos do trabalho e de distribuição de renda. Para tanto, ele foi dividido em quatro seções, além da introdução e das considerações finais. O primeiro capítulo traz elementos da determinação salarial e da assimetria de poder de negociação para a discussão do salário mínimo. O segundo capítulo apresenta uma síntese da trajetória histórica da política de salário mínimo no mundo, desde sua instituição no final do século XIX, até os dias atuais. O terceiro capítulo apresenta o histórico dessa política no Brasil, de Vargas aos dias atuais. O quarto capítulo tem como foco o período recente de valorização do salário mínimo. Aborda a trajetória de valorização a partir de 1995 até 2008, analisa a dinâmica de valorização no mercado de trabalho e a questão da distribuição dos rendimentos do trabalho. Ademais, traça o perfil da população que recebe salário mínimo no país / Abstract: The minimum wage is an institution of the labour market used currently in expressive part of the capitalist countries, developed or in development. Its main objective is to establish a minimum remuneration to the workers of determined activity sector or to all the workers of a region or country. In the first experiences of its use, its focus was restricted the specific sectors of activity; passing of the years, its application started to be to the economy as a whole, becoming one politics of extreme importance. In Brazil the minimum wage was instituted by the Vargas government in 1940. From its implantation until the current days, it passed for long periods of depreciation. But in the most recent period, from 1995, it came back to play a recovery trajectory, basic to recoup its power of purchase, that currently is inferior to that one at the moment of its creation, and for the distribution of income. The objective of this study is to analyze the recent period of valuation of the minimum wage and the function that it plays as tool of valuation of the incomes of the work and of distribution of income. For in such a way, it was divided in four sections, beyond the introduction and of the final considerations. The first chapter brings elements of the wage determination and the asymmetry of being able of negotiation for the quarrel of the minimum wage. The second chapter presents a synthesis of the historical trajectory of the politics of minimum wage in the world, since its institution in the end of century XIX, until the current days. The third chapter presents the description of this politics in Brazil, of Vargas gives to them current. The fourth chapter focus the recent period of valuation of the minimum wage. It approaches the trajectory of valuation from 1995 up to 2008, analyzes the dynamics of valuation in the labor market and the question of the distribution of the incomes of the work. Moreover, it traces the profile of the population that receives minimum wage in the country / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Orientador: Paulo Eduardo de Andrade Baltar / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T02:53:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rukman_EnungYaniSuryani_M.pdf: 1705861 bytes, checksum: 371263f1945c2d1cc90248428e28ae7b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: A Indonésia é um país que tem heterogeneidade em vários aspectos da vida, incluindo seus recursos, tais como fatores geográficos, sociais e econômicos. O emprego na Indonésia é um desses fatores interessantes a serem explorados. O salário mínimo é uma questão muito fundamental no emprego. Na Indonésia, a questão do salário mínimo não é apenas econômica, mas também envolve as questões políticas contidas em leis trabalhistas. Este estudo explora o salário mínimo na Indonésia durante várias épocas políticas: antes de 1980, em 1998 e 2010. Devido às limitações dos dados, estudo usa os dados selecionados que satisfazem os fins da presente pesquisa. A Indonésia ainda não tem um sistema de salário mínimo nacional. As evidências deste estudo sugerem que existem diferentes salários mínimos para cada província. Os dados analisados neste estudo avaliam o salário mínimo de quatro províncias em cada uma das regiões Oeste e Leste, e cinco províncias da região central da Indonésia, representando treze províncias fora da Indonésia de trinta e três, onde, quando combinados, abrangem mais de setenta por cento do total população. Alguns empregadores alegam que a fixação anual dos salários mínimos nas provinciais pode limitar a contratação e reduzir a força de trabalho, prejudicando os níveis de produção. No entanto, os baixos salários impedem os trabalhadores de terem uma vida digna. O autor argumenta que a fixação do salário mínimo é necessária para respeitar a dignidade dos trabalhadores como seres humanos, conforme a UUD 1945, Constituição da República da Indonésia. A fixação do salário mínimo não é suficiente para resolver o problema dos salários em geral. É preciso melhorar o salário médio na Indonésia. A melhoria no salário médio deve aumentar a desigualdade salarial, caso não haja um aumento no salário mínimo. Então é necessária uma política para melhorar os salários e, simultaneamente, reduzir a desigualdade de renda. Uma possibilidade seria combinar a política de reajuste do salário mínimo com o fortalecimento dos sindicatos para negociar os salários para um conjunto mais amplo de trabalhadores e, assim, aumentar o salário médio / Abstract: Indonesia is a country that has heterogeneity in various aspects of life, including its resources, such as geographical, social, and economic factors. Employment in Indonesia is one of these interesting factors to be explored. The minimum wage is a very fundamental issue in employment. In Indonesia, the minimum wage issue is not only economic but also involves the political issues contained in employment laws. This study explores the minimum wage in Indonesia during several political eras: before 1980, in 1998, and 2010. Due to data limitations this study uses the selected data that satisfies the purposes of this research. Indonesia does not have a national minimum wage system yet. The evidence from this study suggests that different minimum wages exist in each province. The data examined in this study evaluates the minimum wages of four provinces in each of the West and East regions and five provinces of Central region of Indonesia, representing thirteen provinces out Indonesia¿s thirty-three, where, when combined, over seventy percent of the total population resides. Some employers allege that the yearly fixing of the provincial minimum wage forces them to limit hiring and reduce their workforce, hurting production levels. However, low wages prevent workers from having a dignified life. The author argues that fixing the minimum wage is necessary to respect the dignity of workers as human beings, as mandated by UUD 1945, the constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The fixing minimum wage is not enough to solve the wages problem in general. It is need to improve the average wage in Indonesia. The improvement in the average wage should increase wage inequality, without an increase in the minimum wage. Then it is necessary a policy to improve wages and simultaneously reduce income inequality. One possibility would be to combine the policy of the minimum wage increase with the strengthening of unions to bargain wages for a broader set of workers and thus raise the average wage / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestra em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Orientador: Anselmo Luiz dos Santos / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T21:38:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lopes_DanieldeJesusAndrade_M.pdf: 1435070 bytes, checksum: 2d1e68db98be16e8935fa84e688b466f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: A discussão sobre a criação de um salário mínimo em Cabo Verde deixou de ser um assunto de conversas informais, como acontecia na década de 90 e passou a fazer parte de um conjunto de assuntos prioritários da ordem do dia dos sindicatos. Os trabalhadores de baixa renda clamam por isso constantemente exigindo uma tomada de posição urgente por parte do Conselho de Concertação Social (CCS) que é o órgão competente em matéria de decisões que dizem respeito às questões laborais. Órgão tripartido, presidido pelo governo, o CCS tem já, em mãos, um dossier sobre as diversas propostas dos parceiros sociais relativamente ao tema. As negociações chegaram a um ponto crucial e os trabalhadores perguntam: "cria-se ou não se cria o salário mínimo em Cabo Verde?". Essa dissertação faz um percurso da evolução desse diálogo social, tomando como ponto de partida o ano do fim do regime de partido único, 1990, um ano após o Consenso de Washington que muitos autores consideram como o início formal da era neoliberal, porque ficaram estabelecidos, num documento oficial, internacionalmente aceite, os termos das políticas a serem implementadas pelos países signatários e demais seguidores desta nova ideologia. Essa discussão, tida em ambiente de capitalismo mundial, tem suscitado reações adversas, por um lado, dos mais cépticos em relação à implementação do SM em Cabo Verde e, animadoras, por outro, quando se trata de partidários dessa idéia / Abstract: The discussion about the creation of a minimum wage in Cape Verde is no longer an issue of informal talks, as happened in 90's and become part of a set of priorities of unions' agenda. The low-income workers insist in an urgent positioning by the Social Council Concertation (SCC), the responsible organ for the decisions in respect of labor issues. Being a tripartite organ, presided by the government, the SCC has already, at hands, a dossier about several proposals of the social partners relatively to the theme. The negotiations are in a crucial point and the workers ask: "will the minimum wage be created or not in Cape Verde?" This dissertation goes though evolution of this social dialogue, deporting from the year of the end of the single-party regime in 1990, a year after the Washington Consensus that is considered by several authors the formal beginning of new-liberal era. That is because the political terms to be implemented by the signatories and others that followed this ideology were established in an official internationally accepted document. This discussion that happened in an environment of global capitalism has caused adverse reactions from, on the one hand, the more skeptical about the implementation of a minimum wages in Cape Verde and encouraging on the other hand when it comes to supporters of this idea / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

This diploma thesis deals with two state interventions within the labour market. The first intervention focuses on minimum wage. Most economists purport that the high ratio of minimum wage to average wage leads to a higher rate of unemployment amongst younger people (15 -- 24). This thesis analyses this issue in countries that are involved in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development ("OECD countries"). The results differ between countries; however, it can generally be said that the high ratio of minimum wage to average wage leads to a higher rate of employment amongst younger people than between members of other analysed age groups. The second intervention focuses on the "pay as you go" pension system ("PAYG") as compared with a fully funded plan. This thesis compares the two major pension systems with the aim of determining which plan is more profitable. In the Czech Republic, between the years of 1995 and 2012, the fully funded plan was more profitable in eight of the nine pension funds analysed. Future estimations are dependent on population fluctuations and technological progress within the Czech Republic.

Afrikaans : Vanaf 1924 tot 1926 het die Pakt-regering gepoog om die posisie van blanke werkers deur middel van wetgewing te verskans. Die wetgewing sou egter ten nadele van swart werkers strek. As gevolg van die regeringsbeleid van ‘beskaafde arbeid’ was dit vir swartes onmoontlik om soos blankes, op ‘’n minimum loon aan te dring en te staak ten einde hoër salarisse te beding. Voorts is sekere poste vir blankes alleen gereserveer en is swartes afgedank om vir blanke werkers plek te maak. Swart werkers, en by name die organisasies wat hulle vir die belange van die swart gemeenskap beywer het, het nie die 'beskaafde arbeidsbeleid' bloot passief aanvaar nie. Die Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union, die African National Congress, die Gesamentlike Rade en die Kommunistiese Party van Suid-Afrika het algar georganiseerde versetaksies teen die arbeidswetgewing geloods. Die Pakt-regering het bykans geen ag op swart verset geslaan nie. Waar die Pakt tydens sy bewindname in 1924 met optimisme begroet is, was die regering gevolglik in 1929 ongewild by die swart bevolking. English : Between 1924 and 1926 the Pact Government attempted to safeguard the position of white labourers. Its legislation was, however, detrimental to the position of black labourers. As a result of the policy of 'civilized labour' it became almost impossible for black labourers to insist on a minimum wage or to strike in order to obtain higher wages. Furthermore, certain categories of jobs were reserved for whites only and blacks were replaced by whites. Black labourers and, in particular, those organizations that worked for the benefit of the black community, did not merely accept the policy of 'civilised labour' in a passive way. The Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union, the African National Congress, the Joint Councils and the Communist Party of South Africa all launched organised resistance actions against the labour legislation. The Pact paid virtually no attention to black resistance. Whereas the Pact was welcomed with enthusiasm when it came to power in 1924, during the 1929 election it was extremely unpopular with the black people of South Africa. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted