This study of civil-military relations treats the parallel development of: a.) the professional soldier and the Prussian- German army in the era from 1806 until 1945, as well as; b.) the rise of nationalism in central European politics and society, which culminated in the union of the professional soldier and National Socialism after 1933. These two political phenomena of modern Europe, in the first instance, the army, and in the second instance, voelkisch nationalism became a deadly combination in the Germany of the era 1914-1933. The abdication of the monarchy in 1918 forced the professional soldier to look for a substitute sovereign, who would insure the survival of the privileged role of the soldier in republican state and society. This study provides case studies of civil-military episodes in German history from 1806-1944, where civilian control and liberal oversight of the aristocratic military structure might have been possible, but liberal and socialist forces squandered the opportunities at hand. This study counter poses episodes of civil-military conflict in the Prussian German past, with an analysis of the origins and character of integral nationalism and National Socialism. In particular, the study analyzes the ideological effort to influence the Reichswehr during the Weimar Republic. The missed civil-military opportunities for democratic forces in the 1920s resulted in the culmination of political, military, and socio-economic conditions ideal for the National Socialists in their quest for power. This failure of important political-military reform set the stage for interwar cooperation between military and the Nazis. The National Socialists wanted to make the army an instrument of power via a â bottom upâ revolution to subjugate the military command structure. This study speaks to this historical series of case studies within the general analysis of democratic civil-military relations. The failure of liberal and later democratic forces to integrate the military into constitutional mechanisms stands as one of the more grievous catastrophes of the story of the soldier and the state.

This thesis evaluates the ability of the Xpress-MP software package to solve complex, iterative mathematicalprogramming problems. The impetus is the need to improve solution times for the VEGA software package, which identifies vulnerabilities to terrorist attacks in electric power grids. VEGA employs an iterative, optimizing heuristic, which may need to solve hundreds of related linear programs. This heuristic has been implemented in GAMS (General Algebraic Modeling System), whose inefficiencies in data handling and model generation mean that a modest, 50-iteration solution of a real-world problem can require over five hours to run. This slowness defeats VEGA's ultimate purpose, evaluating vulnerability-reducing structural improvements to a power grid. We demonstrate that Xpress-MP can reduce run times by 60%-85% because of its more efficient data handling, faster model generation, and the ability, lacking entirely in GAMS, to solve related models without regenerating each from scratch. Xpress-MP's modeling language, Mosel, encompasses a full-featured procedural language, also lacking in GAMS. This language enables a simpler, more modular and more maintainable implementation. We also demonstrate the value of VEGA's optimizing heuristic by comparing it to rule-based heuristics rules adapted from the literature. The optimizing heuristic is much more powerful.

Approved for public release, distribution unlimited / The insurgency in Iraq has continued despite the determination of U.S. and Iraqi forces. U.S. counter-insurgent strategy has operated from the premise that the main thrust behind anti-U.S. activities is a combination of Sunnis desiring a return to their former privileged position and tribal collective actors with long-standing grievances fuelled by radical Islam. Yet an analysis incorporating insights from gang theory illuminates the diverse, practical, and local motivations of those involved in insurgent networks. Gang theory is uniquely suited to illuminate the street-level dynamics that drive insurgent violence. Through this, a more precise picture of the relevant networks and their operative motivations can be drawn, allowing finer tuned policies targeted to the differentiated factors behind non-state violence. I first consider the origins of and interactions between the armed groups operating in Iraq for discernable trends in development, paying particular attention to factors consistent with gang models. I then alter the gang model for the context of Iraq, and present an integrated model that articulates the likely effects of state-insurgent interaction on stability and security there. I conclude with recommendations demonstrating the model's relevance for strategic use in other regions.

The United States-Japanese missile defense cooperation signals yet another step in Japan's continuing trend of "normalization" and official acknowledgement that Japan has a significant military force. This thesis analyzes the current status of the Japanese missile defense debate and assesses factors shaping the Japanese commitment to joint missile defense with the United States. Three major inter-related trends mark the course of Japanese post- Cold War SDF evolution, relations with the United States and the missile defense debate. These include a willingness to relax legal considerations on the use of military force, the expansion of the roles for the JSDF, and the responsiveness of Japanese decision makers to external factors, notably the requirement to improve relations with the United States and the threat perceived from North Korea. This represents a shift to a more military-based security outlook away from the traditional notion of "comprehensive security." These trends point invariably to the amendment of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution. To maximize U.S. interests, Washington must pursue a balanced and limited missile defense in East Asia and actively undertake measures to avoid the perception of a threat to Chinese nuclear deterrence.

This thesis develops a model for understanding and conducting war at the level of grand strategy. Grand strategy seeks the seamless integration of all aspects of national power to achieve a desired policy goal. The model is named the "Instrument-Element Model" because it focuses on the essential elements which underlie the instruments of power by which belligerents contend with each other. Each belligerent is modeled by three elements: the people, the government and the military. Belligerents affect each other using the instruments of national power: diplomacy, information, military force, economic leverage, and this thesis argues, ethical principles. This thesis argues that successful grand strategies can focus on the people, the government or the military. The Instrument-Element Model is tested and illustrated by an analysis of three wars in which a successful grand strategy focused on each of the three elements: the 1967 Arab-Israeli War (focusing on the Military), the 1999 Kosovo War (focusing on the Government) and the Algerian Revolution (focusing on the People). This thesis also considers how to apply the Instrument-Model to terrorist and insurgent groups, and concludes with three recommendations to help our Republic think, fight and win grand-strategically.

y the United States is spearheading a war on terrorism, focusing on countries close to Central Asia such as Afghanistan and Iraq. If the United States plans on staying in the region, it must take into account the forces shaping Chinese foreign policy in Central Asia. Possibilities exist for cooperation, but if the situation is misinterpreted or handled incorrectly, there is also a possibility for conflict. This thesis examines Chinese interests in Central Asia, comparing and contrasting them with U.S. interests in the region. It then recommends policy options the United States could implement to enable the United States and China to move towards common goals in the region.

The type of engagement necessary for US security is not compatible with the interests of today's US SOF. America requires a Global Engagement Plan (GEP) that is unprecedented in its patience and persistence, and that maintains a diffuse presence everywhere on the planet. Such a plan envisions and necessitates deliberate, intimate, and continuous American contact with the predominantly non-elite majority that is inadequately observed and reported on by extant instruments of American power. Operatives tasked with executing the GEP would be permanently immersed in the host environment, taking a U.S. Army Special Forces (SF) mantra to "operate by, with, and through indigenous forces and peoples" to an extreme. Current American governmental structures and methods of foreign engagement are unequal to such a task. America already has a force whose mission includes acting as "global scouts": SF. Nevertheless, the traditional method of SF employment is inadequate to provide such continuous observation and reporting. Better methods of global engagement can be found in both a (military) Regional Engagement Concept (REC), and a proposed Global Engagement Agency within the Department of State for (civilian) operatives. Retired and/or transitioned SF soldiers provide an ideal nucleus for the forming of such an agency.

CHDS State/Local / Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / As the United States improves its collective awareness and emergency preparedness in the face of increased terrorist activity, more efforts are being made to create and enhance community readiness for catastrophic events. There have been substantial efforts to improve the nation's bioterrorism preparedness. Better planning, equipment, training, surveillance, and pharmaceutical caches have elevated the nation's readiness for biological attacks. In order to effectively meet the challenges created by a bioterrorism attack, its first lines of defense, the first responders, must be rapidly prophylaxed to allow the continuance of their mission. Many states and localities have tackled the gigantic undertaking of mass prophylaxis plans to provide chemoprophylaxis to civilians should the need arise. Many cities have developed and tested their plans to provide general public mass prophylaxis. It is assumed, or briefly mentioned, that the mass prophylaxis of first responders will occur, but few plans have been developed. The primary objective of this research is to develop, test, and make recommendations for a straightforward, adaptable mass prophylaxis plan to meet the prophylactic requirements of local first responders in the event of a biological attack. / Paramedic and Disaster Coordinator, Anaheim Memorial Medical Center, CA

CHDS State/Local / The tragedy of 11 September 2001 revealed two major shortcomings: the US military and the Department of Defense's inability to respond quickly to and defend against the threat posed by foreign terrorists to the United States, and the inability of the Intelligence and Law Enforcement Communities to fuse and analyze foreign threat intelligence with domestic law enforcement information in a timely fashion to provide adequate indications and warning of such an attack. The United States Northern Command Intelligence Directorate (J2) has the primary mission in providing accurate, timely, and relevant indications and warnings of potential threats to the Commander, USNORTHCOM. The USNORTHCOM J2 must be able to use all intelligence sources, including law enforcement information, to better understand the potential threats and capabilities arrayed against it. This enables the USNORTHCOM J2 to provide the Commander, USNORTHCOM an all-source, fused analytic assessment of potential threats as the command carries out its mission to "deter, prevent, and defeat threats and aggression aimed at the United States," and thus fulfilling the command's role as the Department of Defense's primary lead command in homeland defense and homeland security. / Lieutenant Commander (LCDR) - Navy - Terrorism Analysis Branch Chief, US Northern Command (Northcom) NORAD - Intelligence Directorate

Both globalization and the 9/11 terrorist attacks spawned heated debates about border security. It is widely agreed that in a globalizing world borders should be as open as possible and much has been written in recent years about the value of 'soft' borders in maintaining good relations between neighboring states, creating borderland prosperity and developing successful open market economies. The reality, in many parts of the world, is that borders are hardening rather than softening as states, more than ever; seek to protect themselves from perceived external threats and to ensure that their frontiers are secure. Thus, today, managing borders and maintaining their security is a complex and challenging task for states. The aim of this thesis is to examine the implications of the re-emergence of security as a key dimension of boundary management and to seek answers to questions such as "Can borders actually be made secure?" and "If so, what border management strategies are available and how are they working in practice?" mostly, in Mongolia. According to the Mongolian National Security Concept of 1993, one of the nine securities of Mongolia, the security of Mongolian existence is defined by the guarantee of its independence, sovereignty, inviolability of state borders and territorial integrity. In the last 15 years, necessity of improvement in state border protection has arisen as a result of the changed foreign policy and socio-economic situation, military and political circumstances of the world and regions and the trends of the relations with neighboring countries. The thesis explores the effects of the policy options on the prevention of terrorism within Mongolian borders. It also explores the effects of those policy options on the movement of people across international borders. The scope is limited to border security policy and the implications are drawn for Mongolian policy makers. Three case studies are included from the Border Protection services of (1) the United States, (2) the Russian Federation and (3) the People's Republic of China. It is generally accepted both practically and theoretically that secure state borders are an integral part of national sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of any nation. In the Information Technology dominated new century, the guarantee of national state borders' security and protection may be ensured if the specific national traditional ways of ensuring border security are creatively adjusted to modern international standards and to the latest scientific and technological trends.