Yes / This paper offers a new perspective on the energy efficiency literature by bringing evidence of political contextual factors as the predictors of energy efficiency. Specifically, we posit that the Democrat administration is more energy-efficient considering the reduction of environmental impact, in contrast, the Republican administration is more efficient considering only financial expenditures leading to the production of economic growth. In addition, we predict that political administration tenure is negatively correlated with green energy efficiency and that political distancing moderates the relationship between political party administration and energy efficiency. This study sheds light on these matters by performing an efficiency analysis of fifty North American states through a bootstrap DEA non-parametric model, followed by Tobit regressions to evaluate our hypotheses concerning the effect of the contextual factors on the calculated efficiency scores. / This study was financed in part by the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - Brasil (CAPES) - Finance Code 001 and Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq).

Why do some member states infringe EU law more than others? Based on the quantitative and qualitative analysis reported here, is not because of administrative capacity limitations, but because of political context, policy changes and deliberate opposition by member governments in order to maintain their independence. States in turn, are motivated by domestic politics to seek to avoid implementing EU law. Additionally, I find that richer countries violate the law more often than poorer countries. Further, member states infringe more than others because of a high number of institutional and coalitional veto players. These results suggest that member states are in the EU because the EU serves their national interest over collective ones. Finally, these results suggest new hypothesis. Member states that have a high level of public discontent with the EU are unlikely to tolerate the political costs of implementing EU legislation.

This thesis addresses the omission in the literature of how political context influences the performance of informational shortcuts. In line with this research gap, the first article suggests that parliamentarian and party-oriented systems encourage the performance of ideology, party identification and leadership, as their use increases the probability to participate in elections, while the effective number of parties has no impact. The second article focus on Spain and two contextual shortcuts - incumbency and electoral polls-. The findings indicate that peripheral voters has the highest propensity to vote for left wing parties when the polls show that the left party is going to win the elections and it is the challenger in salient elections or the incumbent in a nonsalient election. The third article analyses the Spanish case and the impact of leader evaluations and ideology on vote choice over time. The findings manifest that while ideology becomes more important, the utility of leader evaluation is reduced once the informational context becomes more fruitful and stable. / Esta tesis aborda la omisión en la literatura de cómo el contexto político influye en el funcionamiento de los atajos informativos. En línea con esta limitación en la literatura, el primer artículo examina qué instituciones promueven un mejor funcionamiento de la ideología, la identificación partidista y el liderazgo, midiendo los efectos de su uso en la probabilidad de participar en las elecciones. La evidencia muestra como los sistemas parlamentarios y los sistemas orientados a partidos promueven un mejor funcionamiento de los tres atajos, mientras que el número efectivo de partidos no tiene impacto. El segundo artículo se basa en España y dos atajos contextuales –estar en el gobierno y los sondeos electorales- para explorar el saber convencional de que un mayor porcentaje de voto beneficia a los partidos de izquierdas. La evidencia indica que los votantes periféricos tienen la mayor probabilidad de votar a partidos de izquierdas cuando en elecciones relevantes los sondeos muestran que el partido de izquierdas va a ganar las elecciones y está en la oposición o cuando está en el gobierno en elecciones no importantes. El tercer artículo analiza el caso español y el impacto de las evaluaciones de los líderes y la ideología en el voto a través del tiempo. Los resultados manifiestan que, si bien la ideología se vuelve más importante, la utilidad de la evaluación el líder se reduce una vez que el contexto informativo se vuelve más rico y estable.

Title: Political Parties’ in Social Media - A case study of political parties’ crisis management in social media Introduction: The emergence of social media platforms has transformed how organizations communicate with stakeholders. The concept of social media is top of agenda for many business executives today. While some argue social media to provide unique opportunities for organizations, others argue the opposite. The rise of social media enables crises to escalate, implying that organizations need to have well-established crisis management strategies. In the Swedish election of 2014, social media is predicted to have enormous influence on the end result for the political parties. Prior to this thesis, no previous research has looked deeper into the context of crisis management in social media for political parties in Sweden. It is in the political context where this study contributes to the research area. Purpose: The aim of this paper is to investigate political parties’ crisis management in social media, using strategies developed for commercial organizations, and thereby contribute to the research of non-commercial organizations. Methodology: A triangulation method was used of semi structured interviews and archival analysis on four crises of political parties. Eight parties in the Swedish parliament where deliberately selected. However, only four of the parties, Socialdemokraterna (S), Sverigedemokraterna (SD), Vänsterpartiet (V) and Centerpartiet (C), had the possibility to participate in the study. Conclusion: (S), (V) and (C) all used both Facebook and Twitter as a crisis communication channel especially due to its speed and spread. However, (SD) did not use social media as crisis communication channel. The crisis management in social media of each party could improve immensely, however limited resources of employees and finance was found to be the main reasons holding the progress back. Conclusively, dialogue strategies and to some extent response strategies used by commercial organizations are indeed frequently used by political parties as well.

[pt] O caráter acusatório do jornalismo contemporâneo em entrevistas a políticos é objeto de estudo de analistas da conversa em contextos britânico e americano (CLAYMAN, 2001; CLAYMAN E HERITAGE, 2002; CLAYMAN et. at. 2007; HERITAGE, 2002). Contudo, até as eleições de 2018, esse tipo de jornalismo não era visto como uma prática comum no Brasil, dada a repercussão das entrevistas aos candidatos à Presidência na mídia impressa e nas redes sociais que levantou um debate acerca do papel dos jornalistas nesse tipo de interação institucional. Diante desse cenário, com o objetivo de contribuir para o entendimento do caráter adverso das perguntas, examinamos, neste estudo, o design de perguntas feitas pelos jornalistas para o então candidato Jair Bolsonaro, no programa Roda Viva da TV Cultura, à luz do arcabouço teórico-metodológico da Análise da Conversa. De modo geral, os resultados revelam que os jornalistas não usaram as perguntas para pedir informações, mas, sim, para mobilizar ações responsivas que podiam comprometer os objetivos políticos do candidato. Além disso, os entrevistadores lançaram mão de recursos que restringiam as possibilidades de resposta do entrevistado, independentemente do tipo de pergunta e de apresentar ou não um prefácio, limitando, assim, ações evasivas. / [en] The accusatory character of contemporary journalism in interviews with politicians has been object of study of conversation analysts both in British and American contexts (CLAYMAN, 2001; CLAYMAN E HERITAGE, 2002; CLAYMAN et. at. 2007; HERITAGE, 2002). However, until the 2018 elections, this kind of journalism was not seen as a common practice in Brazil, given the repercussion of interviews with presidency candidates in the press and in social media networks, which raised a debate about the role of journalists in this type of institutional interaction. In face of this scenario, we analyzed in this study the design of questions asked by journalists to the candidate, at the time, Jair Bolsonaro, in the TV program Roda Viva, by Culture TV, in the light of Conversation Analysis theoretical methodological framework, aiming at contributing to an understanding of questions adversarial character. In general, results reveal that journalists did not use questions to request information, but, on the contrary, to mobilize responsive actions that could jeopardize the candidate s political goals. Besides, interviewers made use of resources that restricted interviewee s possibilities of answering, independently of the type of question or presence of not a preface, thus, limiting evasive actions.

1 SUMMARY The present thesis deals with cultural and cultural-political journals published between May 1945 and February 1948, as well as polemics that went on during that period. The thesis consists of two interconnected parts - the journals' profiles and the literary-historical introduction that analyzes certain important issues and problems in regard to the journals and selected personalities, placing them in the contemporary social context.

<p>This study investigates how different kinds of non-governmental organisations (NGOs), operating in different national political contexts, perceive and use the Internet as a political space. The political space concept, as defined here, encompasses two dimensions of Internet use: one external, where organisations use the Internet for online activism and campaigning, and one internal, signifying organisational use of the Internet to promote engagement and interactivity with members and/or supporters. Another question raised is whether Internet use for political purposes by NGOs varies between different national political contexts. Moreover, do the organisations believe that the Internet has affected their political influence to any extent? The empirical data consist of the results of two surveys, one directed primarily to American NGOs, the other explicitly comparative, analysing NGOs in Sweden and the USA. Furthermore, content analyses of NGO websites have been conducted and additive indexes constructed. The findings of the study suggest that, overall, the Internet is most important to the studied organisations as a space for external political initiatives. There were, however, important differences in this regard, which could be related to the organisations’ national political contexts. For example, the American NGOs have oriented their websites primarily towards relatively superficial forms of member involvement, while the Swedish NGOs provided more interactive grassroots features on their websites. Regarding political influence, the Internet arguably has the potential to make the most dramatic difference by reinforcing the organisations’ offline political activities. The present results indicate that, despite the possible converging effect of the Internet on NGO political activism, national political culture exerts an inescapable influence on how the Internet is used as a political space by the studied organisations.</p>

This study investigates how different kinds of non-governmental organisations (NGOs), operating in different national political contexts, perceive and use the Internet as a political space. The political space concept, as defined here, encompasses two dimensions of Internet use: one external, where organisations use the Internet for online activism and campaigning, and one internal, signifying organisational use of the Internet to promote engagement and interactivity with members and/or supporters. Another question raised is whether Internet use for political purposes by NGOs varies between different national political contexts. Moreover, do the organisations believe that the Internet has affected their political influence to any extent? The empirical data consist of the results of two surveys, one directed primarily to American NGOs, the other explicitly comparative, analysing NGOs in Sweden and the USA. Furthermore, content analyses of NGO websites have been conducted and additive indexes constructed. The findings of the study suggest that, overall, the Internet is most important to the studied organisations as a space for external political initiatives. There were, however, important differences in this regard, which could be related to the organisations’ national political contexts. For example, the American NGOs have oriented their websites primarily towards relatively superficial forms of member involvement, while the Swedish NGOs provided more interactive grassroots features on their websites. Regarding political influence, the Internet arguably has the potential to make the most dramatic difference by reinforcing the organisations’ offline political activities. The present results indicate that, despite the possible converging effect of the Internet on NGO political activism, national political culture exerts an inescapable influence on how the Internet is used as a political space by the studied organisations.

This study explores the shifting roles of teacher unions in pre-and post-independence Namibia, against the backdrop of a changing political context. My aim was to understand the roles of teacher unions both before and after independence in Namibia, and to explain how they changed in the different political contexts. To do so, I examined the teacher union roles in three distinct phases, namely pre-independence, immediately post-independence, taking in the period from 1990 to 1999, and the last decade, from 2000 up until today. In approaching the research questions, I worked on the assumption that understanding and explaining the roles of teacher unions in pre- and post-independence Namibia could best be achieved by interacting with participants who were or had been involved in education and the teacher unions in Namibia. I argued that their experiences would be important in constructing knowledge on the unions, particularly regarding their roles before and after independence. I chose a narrative design for the study, because it allowed me to interact with the participants to gain deeper meanings from their individual perspectives. Narrative design was appropriate to this research, because it also allowed me to trace the way events in education mirrored those in the national political arena, and to explain why particular tendencies emerged. I used the information collected during the interviews and document analysis as the data for the study. Four themes emerged regarding the roles of teacher unions in the contexts of pre- and post-independence Namibia, around which I conceptualized the study. These were the shifting historic roles of these unions in Namibia, the institutional frameworks and modalities for union participation, the contextual factors relating to the roles of the unions, and the changed roles of the unions in contemporary Namibia. The findings of the study suggested, firstly, that teacher unions play different roles in different political contexts, and that these roles are shaped by contextual factors. Secondly, the research established that the unions in the post-independence contexts did not necessarily have a vision of a labour-driven process of radical strategic change, as postulated by the theory of strategic unionism. Instead, the findings suggest that teacher unions in contemporary Namibia are influenced and shaped by the broader political and social factors of a new hierarchical political culture, by political and economic middle-class aspirations, and by undefined party-government-teacher union relationships. I conclude the study by suggesting an expansion of the concept of strategic unionism to include the nuances of political and economic contexts and aspirations. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

The thesis "Biblical motifs in Czech pop music of the 1960s and the 1970s of the twentieth century: The function and using of biblical motifs for pop music lyrics with the original biblical background and message" introduces the academic framework of the topic within the first chapter: the definition of the terms, the criteria and method for selecting the motifs and lyrics used. Then, the position of Czech pop music in the cultural and political context of the period is explained, which is a relevant part of the topic itself. Also an outline of the academic reflection of the related topic is referred to as well as the function of biblical motifs in other styles of music (rock, folk and underground music) with the emphasis on the projection of the stylistic differences into using these topics for the lyrics. The following four chapters are probes into the pop music and biblical motifs issue.They are meant as the reflection of the the inner dynamics of the genre as well: in the second and third chapters the selected biblical motifs (general motifs, prayers, biblicisms and biblical characters) are enlisted and the anylysis of their funcion and using for various lyrics is provided in comparison with their biblical message and introducing the original loci in the B ible. The fourth chapter is focused on...