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This study examines the congressional mission to liberated concentration camps in April and May 1945. General Dwight D. Eisenhower requested a congressional mission and a group of newspaper editors and publishers to view firsthand the horrors of the concentration camp Buchenwald, so that the American public might be made more aware of German atrocities in concentration camps and to dispel the belief that the atrocity reports were wartime propaganda. The congressmen and newspapermen were horrified by what they saw at the German concentration camps, and many reported back to the American public about the atrocities and conditions in the concentration camps through articles, interviews, speeches, and rallies. Upon their return to the United States, the congressmen published a report on the conditions within the camps, and many of them spoke in Congress and to the public about the need to re-educate the Germans, try guilty Germans, and rebuild Germany. The congressmen and editors and publishers brought legitimacy to the reports of American war correspondents concerning German atrocities, and their efforts contributed to constructing a political climate that allowed for and legitimized the Nuremberg Trials, the U.S. Army denazification efforts, and the rebuilding of Germany through the Marshall Plan. To examine this mission, newspaper articles from April and May 1945 were collected from thirteen American newspapers, as well as the Times of London. Research was also conducted in the personal collections of two of the congressmen who toured Europe at that time, as well as at the National Archives in College Park, MD. This study goes beyond the existing research by examining the congressional mission to Buchenwald, Dora, and Dachau, which, though it has been briefly mentioned in existing Holocaust literature, has never been fully examined.

This thesis explores how the American right fought the culture wars of the 1980s in the context of the rights revolution and the regulatory state. It does so by examining divisions over anti-abortion measures in Congress, controversies surrounding allegations of discriminatory withholding of medical care from disabled newborns, debates over the extent to which Title IX and other federal anti-discrimination regulations bound Christian colleges that rejected direct federal funding, and the interplay between rights and education during the AIDS crisis. In doing so, it contributes to the still-growing historiography on both American conservatism and the culture wars. Firstly, it adds shades of nuance to the literature on the American right, which has, until recently, posited the election of Ronald Reagan as the beginning of an era of untrammelled conservative ascendancy. However, these case studies reveal that despite Reagan’s resounding electoral success and the refiguring of the Republican party along conservative lines, the 1980s right was forced to fight many of its battles on terrain that remained structured by the liberal legacy. This finding also contributes to recent trends in the historiography of the culture wars, which have added a great depth of historical understanding to America’s interminable conflicts over abortion, evolution, equal marriage and other social issues. By examining how the right conceived of and reacted to the enduring influence of the rights revolution and the regulatory state in the culture wars of the 1980s, the centrality of the right to privacy becomes clear. Acknowledging the importance of this right leads to the conclusion that the fundamental restructuring of relations between the federal government and the states that had taken place during the 1960s gave rise to the culture wars of the 1980s.

Orientador: Carlos Eduardo Jordão Machado / Banca: José Luis Bendicho Beired / Banca: Francisco Cabral Alambert Júnior / Banca: José Ribeiro Júnior / Banca: Eliana Maria de Melo e Souza / Resumo: Nesta pesquisa analisamos a trajetória intelectual de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda entre os anos de 1930 e 1980. Neste período decisivo da história contemporânea do Brasil, o autor não só esteve presente nos principais momentos como refletiu sobre eles, suas conseqüências, seus desdobramentos. Além dos livros clássicos, o autor se manifestou por meio de uma vasta produção jornalística, que permanecia, até então, desconhecida do público. Esta pesquisa teve como objetivos gerais, primeiro uma parte prática, ou seja, a organização do material inédito de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, disperso em arquivos de jornais, universidades, museus e bibliotecas, que não havia sido totalmente organizado e que ainda aguardava o devido tratamento; segundo, uma parte teórica, o desafio de procurar captar, na trama de suas experiências pessoais, o pensamento político de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda como intelectual ativo na sociedade em que vivia, seja por meio das idéias, seja por meio da ação direta, buscando determinar além de suas peculiaridades, as suas convergências no campo de sociabilidade no qual se movia. / Abstract: In this research we analyzed Sérgio Buarque de Holanda's intellectual track between the years of 1930 and 1980. In this remarkable period of Brazilian contemporary history, the author wasn't only present in the most important moments but he also had some influences in them, through the consequences he caused due to his attitudes. Besides showing himself through classic books, the author was also present in a vast journalistic production, that remained unknown by the public before. This research had as general goals a practical and a theoretical phase. The practical phase consists of the organization of Sérgio Buarque de Holanda's unpublished material, that was disperse in newspaper archives, universities, museums and libraries. Material which hadn't been organized and set and was still waiting for the suitable treatment. The next phase of the research, the theoretical one, focuses on the challenge of capturing the political views of Sérgio Buarque de Holanda as an active intellectual in the society he lived in, either by his ideas or by his direct attitudes trying to determine his particularities and convergences in the social field of that time. / Doutor

The purpose of this study was to examine the creation of Huey P. Newton, founder of the Black Panther Party in 1966. I argued that Huey P. Newton was a creation of several elements: the black ghetto of Oakland; the rise of Black Power and the death of non-violence in the civil rights movement; the New Left and its factions; and, the Black Panther Party through the "Free Huey" campaign. The "Free Huey" campaign that arose from Newton's imprisonment in 1968, constructed an iconic image of Newton that he inherited on his release in 1970. This study will contextualize Newton and refute the claims of Hugh Pearson, author of the 1994, The Shadow of the Panther, who deemed Newton as a common criminal, not worthy of historical debate.

Historians have expressed a variety of opinions concerning the true significance of the Congress of Berlin. While the 1878 meeting did not have to deal with questions as comprehensive as those discussed in Vienna in 1814-1815 or at Paris in 1856, the Congress of Berlin had great impact in its own right. While the Berlin meeting made decisions in order to reorganize the Balkans after years of instability and war, it also created a split in relations between the German Empire and Imperial Russia which would eventually drive the two powers towards conflict in "The Great War" in 1914.

This thesis presents a critical analysis of the historical roles assigned to the prosecutors of Socrates by modern historians. Ancient sources relating to the trial and the principles involved, and modern renditions, especially those of John Burnet and A. E. Taylor, originators of the theory that the trial of Socrates was politically motivated, are critically analyzed and examined. The thesis concludes that the political motive theory is not supported by the evidence on which it relies.

It is only hoped that this preliminary attempt to analyze the functions of county government in the Territory of Utah will strike a note of interest in other students and give them ideas for further study.

no / Since 1989 Romania has gone from communist isolation under the megalomaniac Nicolae Ceauescu to being a key player in America's war against terrorism. Because of this strategic location it has become a front-line state for nervous Western governments keen to secure oil routes from the Middle East. It joined NATO in 2004 and is due to enter the European Union in 2007-08 despite its economy being unprepared to meet the competition challenges from established members. Tom Gallagher analyses how the country is seeking to recover from a disastrous period in its history while many of the key legacies of dictatorship remain. Having lynched the discredited Ceauescu in 1989, former acolytes have spent the past fifteen years trying to retain a monopoly of control behind the facade of a Western-style democracy. They combined their political ambitions with acquiring the control of vast amounts of private property denied to them by Ceauescu. Political institutions were given a facelift, as in the case of the intelligence services which became a crucial power-base for the ruling Social Democratic Party (PSD). The state continued to be used to serve narrow private interests. Replacing the communist dynasty of the Ceauescus, there is now an oligarchy drawn from the PSD and its satellites in the bureaucracy, major industries, and the intelligence world which grew wealthy through insider privatisation and the looting of the country's banks. Romania is now at a crucial turning-point. In 2004 the mobilisation of civil society contributed to the narrow victory of Traian B sescu in presidential elections. It is unclear whether he can win control over the key levers of state necessary to stem the corruption and abuse of power which have blighted Romania's hopes of breaking free from its communist-era legacy. The PSD is now led by Mircea Geoana, the son of a general in Ceauescu's Securitate. He has recruited a string of Western politicians to block pressure for meaningful change from Brussels and to ensure that accession to the EU occurs without serious reform.