Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1970. / Typescript. Vita. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Political socialization, defined here as the internalization of supportive norms and values toward the political system, has received new impetus since the early 1960's. Students of the concept have launched a multi-frontal assault in order to accumulate data which will produce knowledge, understanding, and explanations about the state of the field.

There is significant historical research on coal, education, religion, churches, and cultural values of the Tazewell County. However, there is no research weaving all of these elements together to tell a story of the county and its political development. This research project is a qualitative study in which I wish to reveal the story of the culture, specifically the political culture, of Tazewell County. I would like to examine objectively whether or not the mining industry has had an effect on the cultural aspects of the county. I want to ask: Is there evidence that the coal industry has shaped the political culture of Tazewell County and, if so, through what mechanisms did it exert this influence? Research will include the examination of mechanisms by which a political culture is created in single-dominant industry communities, such as Tazewell County Virginia. Research will include elements of political socialization such as peer groups, coal camps, church groups, family and community. The research will specifically focus on religion and education and how they have or have not defined the political culture of the area. / Master of Arts

by Shum Wai Chuen. / Thesis (M.S.W.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1990. / Bibliography: leaves [128]-[131] / ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.iv / ABSTRACT --- p.v / LIST OF TABLES --- p.viii / CHAPTER / Chapter I --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Rationale of the Study --- p.1 / Research Objectives --- p.7 / Chapter II --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.8 / Meaning of Pol itical Socialization --- p.8 / Political Orientations-- Content of Political Socialization --- p.12 / Acquisition Process of Political Orientations --- p.14 / Agents of Political Socialization --- p.18 / Participation Theory of Democracy and Apprenticeship Training --- p.19 / "Feeling of Political Efficacy, Sense of Civic Obligation and Political Participation" --- p.23 / Local Related Research --- p.25 / Summary --- p.27 / Chapter III --- HYPOTHESES AND DEFINITIONS --- p.29 / Hypotheses --- p.29 / Definitions of Variables --- p.31 / Chapter IV --- RESEARCH METHODOLOGY --- p.37 / Research Design --- p.37 / Population --- p.33 / Sampling --- p.39 / Data Collection --- p.40 / Instrument --- p.41 / Data Analysis --- p.42 / Validity and Reliability --- p.43 / Pretest --- p.44 / Limitations --- p.44 / Chapter V --- FINDINGS : A DESCRIPTION OF THE SAMPLE AND THE MAJOR VARIABLES --- p.46 / Profile of Respondents --- p.46 / Social Participation --- p.53 / Feeling of Political efficacy and Sense of Civic Obligation --- p.63 / Political Participation --- p.71 / Chapter VI --- FINDINGS : AN EXPLORATION AND ANALYSIS OF THE HYPOTHESES OF THIS STUDY --- p.78 / Hypotheses of This Study --- p.78 / Social Participation and Political Attitudes --- p.79 / Political Attitudes and Political Participation --- p.91 / Chapter VII --- "SUMMARY OF FINDINGS,CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION" / Summary of Findings --- p.95 / Conclusion --- p.101 / Discussion --- p.104 / APPENDICES / Chapter I --- QUESTIONNAIRE (Chinese version ) / Chapter II --- QUESTIONNAIRE (English version) / BIBLIOGRAPHY

Comment les enfants se représentent-ils l’univers politique spécialisé ? Cette thèse prend pour objet les connaissances, les croyances et les opinions politiques des enfants. Il s’agit, en s’intéressant à ce public spécifique, d’apporter une contribution à la littérature sur les rapports ordinaires à la politique. La thèse présente les résultats d’une enquête empirique alliant méthodes quantitatives et qualitatives, menée dans huit écoles primaires socialement diversifiées. Elle examine les éléments dont disposent les enfants pour appréhender l’univers politique et prête attention aux différences entre eux à ce sujet. Il s’agit notamment d’étudier la compétence politique des enquêtés, tant du point de vue de leurs connaissances politiques que de leur compétence statutaire. L’examen du poids de variables telles que l’âge, le genre ou le milieu social permet ainsi d’interroger la genèse des inégalités de politisation. Il s’agit également de mettre à jour les bricolages grâce auxquels les enfants parviennent, malgré leur compétence en général limitée, à donner du sens à l’univers politique, c’est-à-dire à le comprendre, le juger et s’y situer. La thèse étudie l’imbrication entre les dimensions cognitives et normatives de la socialisation politique : elle indique que les jugements de valeurs et les opinions sont intériorisés par les enfants sur le mode de l’évidence, à l’instar des connaissances factuelles. Elle montre ainsi que les rapports des individus à la politique découlent de la réappropriation des messages pluriels provenant de leur environnement. / How do children view the specialized political universe? This dissertation studies children’s political knowledge, beliefs and opinions. It aims, through the study of this specific population, to contribute to the literature on ordinary relations to politics. It presents the results of an empirical study which was led in eight socially-diverse schools and combines both quantitative and qualitative methods. The study investigates which elements are available to the children in order to understand the political universe, and it pays attention to the differences between them, in particular regarding their political competence. The examination of the impact of variables such as age, gender or social environment contributes to understanding the roots of the inequalities in politicization. The dissertation also looks at the way children manage, despite of their generally limited political competence, to make sense of the political universe, in other words to understand and judge it. It studies the intertwining between cognitive and normative dimensions of political socialization: it indicates that judgments and opinions are interiorized by children as if they were evident, just as if they were factual knowledge. It thus shows that individual relations to politics are built on the re-appropriation of the plural messages coming from the environment.

No description available.

In my research, the national identity process, which includes the family factor, school factors, mass media factor, peer group factor, of the private senior high school students, were explored and analyzed by using a method of SPSS version 10.0. The object of this research is to understand the diverse effects in national identity, which includes view, nation symbols, referendum function, denationalize position, of students with different social background.

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This research examined correlates of political efficacy in children of different national and ethnic backgrounds. It was hypothesized that children who participate in family and school decision-making which affects them would be more efficacious than children with little or no participation in family and school decision-making. It was also hypothesized that participation in family and school decision-making would vary with social status and ethnic background. The children studied were mostly sixth graders, and of 11-12 years of age. Children of Anglo, Mexican-American, and Mexican backgrounds were administered written questionnaires in their classrooms. The classes tested were drawn from nine schools which were a mixture of public and private in each country. Five schools in El Paso, Texas, and four in Juarez, Mexico, were selected, by reputation, to represent lower, middle, and upper middle classes in each country. An attempt was also made to obtain a sample which would adequately represent each national and ethnic group within each category of socioeconomic status. Family decision-making patterns did, in fact, correlate with differences in socioeconomic status and ethnic background in both the U.S. and Mexico. Middle and upper status children were more likely to participate in family decision-making than were low status children. Of the middle and upper status children, however, middle status children were somewhat more likely to participate in family decision-making than upper status children and this was true both in the U.S. and Mexico. Anglos were more likely to participate than were Mexican-Americans and Mexicans. Regression suggests, however, that when socioeconomic status is controlled for, that ethnic background is no longer relevant to this question in the U.S. In Mexico, some Mexican children also responded to the categories Anglo or Mexican-American, instead of Mexican, and it was determined that these responses, in the border environment, indicated an acculturation to "mainstream" U.S. patterns. Significant differences exist in Mexico between children who call themselves Anglo, for example, and those who call themselves Mexican in regard to participation in family decision-making. The children tested in the U.S. report widely different patterns of school participation, which correlate with socioeconomic status. In Mexico, however, children uniformly report moderately participant school environments. Regression indicates that school decision-making patterns vary directly with family decision-making patterns. In each country, the only significant predictor of school decision-making is family decision-making patterns. School decision-making, in turn, correlates at a moderate level with efficacy in each country. Regression indicates, however, that school decision-making has a somewhat different role in the two countries. In the U.S., regression shows family decision-making as the primary, significant predictor of efficacy whereas regression for Mexico shows school decision-making as the primary, significant predictor of efficacy. The basic hypotheses are thus confirmed, with some modifications for each country. In the U.S., family decision-making correlates most strongly with social status. In Mexico, ethnic background responses seem to reflect acculturation to "mainstream" U.S. patterns just across the border and are the strongest correlate of family decision-making patterns. In both countries, the only significant predictor of school decision-making patterns are family decision-making patterns. School decision-making patterns, in turn, correlate with efficacy. Regression, however, indicates that in the U.S., it is the family decision-making patterns which are significant in predicting efficacy whereas in Mexico it is the school decision-making patterns which are most significant in predicting efficacy.