Esta dissertação de mestrado apresenta um estudo comparativo de socialização política de jovens em escolas pública e privadas de Porto Alegre/RS. Utiliza-se o conceito de competência cívica, entendido como sistema complexo de desempenho psicossocial, com o objetivo de comparar o acúmulo de recursos políticos afetivos e cognitivos desenvolvidos nos dois modelos de escola, que podem ser mobilizados para o engajamento político. A hipótese central é, no processo de socialização política, dada a grande diferença de qualidade da educação, as escolas públicas e privadas reproduzem as desigualdades sociais e econômicas no âmbito da formação da competência cívica dos jovens, o que impacta na sua capacidade de participar politicamente. Para isso, utiliza-se dados de pesquisa survey realizada no âmbito do Núcleo de Pesquisa sobre América Latina da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul em 2015. O trabalho identifica que o sistema público de ensino básico não forma cidadãos capacitados para participar politicamente. Pelo contrário, a desigualdade de recurso entre os grupos é significativa em todas as dimensões avaliadas. Enquanto, os jovens de ensino privado se apresentam mais próximos de um ideal assertivo de cidadania, os jovens de ensino público reproduzem as características de uma cultura política híbrida, demonstrando mais apatia, ineficácia e descrença, e menos informação e habilidades cívicas. / This master’s level dissertation presents a comparative study of political socialization of youths in public and private schools of Porto Alegre/RS. Based on the concept of civic competence, understood as a complex system of psychosocial performance, the work aims to compare the reserves of affective and cognitive political resources developed in both types of school, which may be mobilized for political engagement. The hypothesis is that, in the process of political socialization, given the difference of quality of education, public schools propagates socioeconomic inequality in the ambit of the formation of civic competence in young people, which impacts in their capacity to participate politically. For this goal, survey data is employed, which was develop by the Research Center on Latin America (NUPESAL) of the University of Rio Grande do Sul in 2015. The work identifies that the public basic system of education does not form capable citizens to participate politically. On the contrary, resource inequality is significant in all evaluated dimensions. While students in private school are closer to an assertive ideal of citizenship, those in public schools reproduce the characteristics of a hybrid political culture, presenting more apathy, inefficacy and disbelief, and less civic information and abilities.

Esta dissertação de mestrado apresenta um estudo comparativo de socialização política de jovens em escolas pública e privadas de Porto Alegre/RS. Utiliza-se o conceito de competência cívica, entendido como sistema complexo de desempenho psicossocial, com o objetivo de comparar o acúmulo de recursos políticos afetivos e cognitivos desenvolvidos nos dois modelos de escola, que podem ser mobilizados para o engajamento político. A hipótese central é, no processo de socialização política, dada a grande diferença de qualidade da educação, as escolas públicas e privadas reproduzem as desigualdades sociais e econômicas no âmbito da formação da competência cívica dos jovens, o que impacta na sua capacidade de participar politicamente. Para isso, utiliza-se dados de pesquisa survey realizada no âmbito do Núcleo de Pesquisa sobre América Latina da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul em 2015. O trabalho identifica que o sistema público de ensino básico não forma cidadãos capacitados para participar politicamente. Pelo contrário, a desigualdade de recurso entre os grupos é significativa em todas as dimensões avaliadas. Enquanto, os jovens de ensino privado se apresentam mais próximos de um ideal assertivo de cidadania, os jovens de ensino público reproduzem as características de uma cultura política híbrida, demonstrando mais apatia, ineficácia e descrença, e menos informação e habilidades cívicas. / This master’s level dissertation presents a comparative study of political socialization of youths in public and private schools of Porto Alegre/RS. Based on the concept of civic competence, understood as a complex system of psychosocial performance, the work aims to compare the reserves of affective and cognitive political resources developed in both types of school, which may be mobilized for political engagement. The hypothesis is that, in the process of political socialization, given the difference of quality of education, public schools propagates socioeconomic inequality in the ambit of the formation of civic competence in young people, which impacts in their capacity to participate politically. For this goal, survey data is employed, which was develop by the Research Center on Latin America (NUPESAL) of the University of Rio Grande do Sul in 2015. The work identifies that the public basic system of education does not form capable citizens to participate politically. On the contrary, resource inequality is significant in all evaluated dimensions. While students in private school are closer to an assertive ideal of citizenship, those in public schools reproduce the characteristics of a hybrid political culture, presenting more apathy, inefficacy and disbelief, and less civic information and abilities.

Esta pesquisa trata dos processos de formação e transmissão de valores, condutas e comportamentos relacionados ao mundo da política entre moradores do bairro Ferrazópolis, na cidade de São Bernardo do Campo (SP), bairro popular de tradição operária que tem passado por diversas alterações em sua configuração ao longo do tempo, parte delas em função das transformações ocorridas no mercado de trabalho da região do ABC Paulista. O objetivo central da pesquisa é, então, compreender os processos de socialização política, ou seja, processos de transmissão de valores, percepções, atitudes e comportamentos em relação à política entre duas gerações de moradores nesse bairro: a primeira geração, constituída por trabalhadores migrantes nascidos entre as décadas de 1940 e 1960; e a segunda, constituída por seus filhos, nascidos no ABC entre as décadas de 1970 e 1990. Para cumprir os objetivos da pesquisa, a metodologia mobilizada foi executada nas seguintes etapas: i) realização de observações no bairro; (ii) aplicação de questionário em uma amostra dos domicílios do bairro sobre a trajetória da família e de suas posições políticas; (iii) mapeamento e análise de tendências percebidas entre as famílias no que tange aos seus modos de se relacionar com a política, classificadas entre tendências de militância, engajamento pontual e desinteresse por política; (iv) realização de entrevistas em profundidade com famílias representantes das tendências encontradas na fase anterior, ferramenta por meio da qual pudemos observar a existência de diferentes tipos de transmissão intergeracional de política, que variam entre sólidas e porosas. / This research deals with the processes of formation and transmission of values, conducts and behaviors related to the world of politics among residents of the Ferrazópolis neighborhood,in the city of São Bernardo do Campo (SP), a popular neighborhood with a working tradition that has been passing through various changes in its configuration over the time, part of them due to the changes occurred in the labor market in the ABC Paulista region. The main goal of the research is to understand the processes of political socialization or processes of transmission of values, perceptions, attitudes and behaviors related to politcs, between two generations of residents. The first generation is mainly composed by migrant workers who were born between the 40s and the 60s, the second is composed by their children, who were born in the ABC region between the 70s and the 90s. In order to fulfill the objectives of the research, the methodology was executed in the following stages: i) observations in the neighborhood; (ii) the application of a questionnaire in a sample of the households in the neighborhood about the trajectory of the family and its political positions; (iii) mapping and analyzing perceived \"tendencies\" among families regarding their ways of relating to politics, classified among militancy tendencies, punctual engagement and disinterest in politics; (iv) interviews with families representing the \"trends\" found in the previous phase, a tool through which we could observe the existence of different types of intergenerational politics transmission, ranging from solid to porous.

Submitted by Marilene Donadel (marilene.donadel@unioeste.br) on 2018-01-26T16:47:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Francielli_Silva_2017.pdf: 2133415 bytes, checksum: 9bd90644381d02e964c303de3585d602 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-26T16:47:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francielli_Silva_2017.pdf: 2133415 bytes, checksum: 9bd90644381d02e964c303de3585d602 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-11 / The theme of this dissertation is the political socialization, in the municipality of Toledo/Paraná. The research object is the young people, aged 16 to 19 years, who are high school students in the public and private schools. The goal is to analyze and identify how they conduct political socialization and what issues, actions, and activities related to politics they participate in. To carry out the proposal of this work, the bibliographic research approached topics such as political culture, political socialization and youth. In the empirical research, 420 questionnaires – quantitative ones, composed of socioeconomic and political questions – were applied to the young people, with the abovementioned ages, distributed among 12 public and 03 private schools. It was found that the means and ways in which young people construct political socialization are established according to the social environment they are inserted and to the socializing agencies they take part in. / Essa dissertação tem como tema a socialização política, no município de Toledo/Paraná. O objeto de pesquisa são os jovens com idade entre 16 e 19 anos, estudantes do ensino médio nas escolas públicas e privadas do município. O objetivo é analisar e identificar como eles realizam a socialização política e quais as questões, ações e atividades relacionadas à política de que eles participam. Para a realização da proposta deste trabalho, a pesquisa de caráter bibliográfico abordou temas como cultura política, socialização política e juventude. Na pesquisa empírica, 420 questionários – de cunho quantitativo, compostos por questões socioeconômicas e sobre assuntos políticos – foram aplicados aos jovens, com as idades acima mencionadas, distribuídos entre 12 colégios públicos e 03 colégios privados. Constatou-se que os meios e as formas pelas quais os jovens constroem a socialização política são estabelecidos conforme o meio social que estão inseridos e as agências socializadoras de que participam.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2018-03-27T19:21:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 rafaelbarbosafurtado.pdf: 1606850 bytes, checksum: 86ef01a40d585ad9e0695b8014e75a7f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-04-09T19:22:12Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 rafaelbarbosafurtado.pdf: 1606850 bytes, checksum: 86ef01a40d585ad9e0695b8014e75a7f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-09T19:22:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 rafaelbarbosafurtado.pdf: 1606850 bytes, checksum: 86ef01a40d585ad9e0695b8014e75a7f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-30 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho versa sobre o conceito de socialização política sob um enfoque do processo de socialização e a forma pelo qual o fenômeno que o conceito de socialização abarca se dá entre um grupo de jovens juiz-foranos através das agências de socialização envolvidas. Se almejou investigar quais são as agências de socialização política de maior relevância e a atuação delas sobre estes indivíduos. É proposto uma discussão do conceito de socialização política através da apresentação de seu desenvolvimento histórico e críticas referentes a ele. No trabalho, uma amostra de sessenta jovens da cidade de Juiz de Fora, participantes de um projeto de educação política do poder legislativo estadual, interpretado no presente trabalho como uma experiência constituinte do processo de socialização política, é analisada através de dados quantitativos preliminares recolhidos por um survey e de uma entrevista, vista como um estudo de caso deste processo, em busca de dados qualitativos. O presente estudo traz uma análise dos dados recolhidos a luz da bibliografia percorrida, corroborando com o papel que as agências de socialização possuem na socialização política dos jovens e da percepção de estudos recentes quanto a internet como uma nova agência socializadora de grande importância para os jovens, trazendo algumas reflexões referente aos papéis que os jovens cumprem também enquanto agentes de socialização política. / The present work deals with the concept of political socialization under a focus of the socialization process and the way in which the phenomenon occurs among a group of young through the socialization agencies involved. It was hoped to investigate which agencies of political socialization have greater relevance and they act on these individuals. It is proposed a discussion of the concept of political socialization through the presentation of historical development and criticisms concerning it. In the study, sixty young people from the city of Juiz de Fora-MG, participants in a project of political education of the state legislative power, interpreted in the present work as a constituent experience of the process of political socialization, is analyzed through preliminary quantitative data collected by a survey and an interview, seen as a case study of this process, in search of qualitative data. The present study provides an analysis of the data collected in the light of the bibliography, corroborating the role of socialization agencies in the political socialization of young people and the perception of recent studies about the Internet as a new socializing agency of great importance for young people, bringing some reflections on the roles that young people also as agents of political socialization.

L'écart de la représentation politique des femmes entre la Guadeloupe et la Martinique a été à l'origine de notre interrogation sur la socialisation politique des femmes aux Antilles françaises. En interrogeant des élus guadeloupéens et martiniquais (hommes et femmes) nous avons tenté de comprendre en quoi la socialisation politique pouvait expliquer le niveau d'engagement des femmes en politique. Le·genre étant le concept su lequel se fonde la société pour justifier la séparation et la hiérarchisation des individus masculins et féminins c'est par le biais du processus de socialisation sexué que les individus apprennent leurs rôles genrés. Si cette séparation des hommes et des femmes dans des sphères distinctes (publique et privée) tend à freiner le femmes dans leur engagement politique, les élues antillaises n'auraient pas été majoritairement touchées pas une socialisation politique sexuée. Au contraire, la matrifocalité présente aux Antilles françaises aurait permi un certain nombre de femmes d'être socialisée similairement aux hommes. Mais la société empreinte de valeurs genrées aurait tout de même freiné les femmes dans l'entame d'une carrière politique. Si la famille transmet des valeurs politiques de base, que les partis politiques n'ont qu'un rôle relatif d'agent socialisateur le monde associatif semble être un agent de socialisation déterminant en termes d'engagement politique, un révélateur et un propulseur d'hommes et de femmes dans le monde politique. Socialisés aux valeurs politiques, ces élus deviennent également des agents de socialisation politique pour les jeunes qui peuvent représenter la relève politique. / Differences in the political representation of women between Guadeloupe and Martinique were the source c our questioning about the political socialisation of women in the French West Indies. Sy interviewing elected men and women in Guadeloupe and Martinique, we tried to understand how political socialization coul explain the level of involvement of women in politics. With gender being the concept from which any societ justifies the process of separation and hierarchy between male and female individuals, it is through the sexual socialization process that individuals learn their gendered raies. If this separation between men and women in both public and private spheres tends to impede women in their political commitment, elected women of the French West Indies have not been disproportionately affected by sexual political socialization. On the contrary, the matrifocality in the French West Indies would have allowed a number of women to be socialise dsimilarly to men. However, the strong gendered values of this society would have still hampered women at the beginning of their political career. While family provides basic political values, political parties have only a relative role of socializing agent. However, associations seem to be a decisive/crucial socializing agent in terms of political commitment, acting as a career booster for men and women in politics. Socialized to political values, these elected individuals become in turn factors of political socialization for young people whe represent the next political generation.

Kinder sind neugierig auf die Welt. Und sie erfahren über diese Welt auch in den Medien, jedoch gibt es nur wenige Medienangebote mit kindgerechten Nachrichten. Dennoch bekommen Kinder Vieles mit: aus Gesprächen von Erwachsenen oder auch aus Nachrichtensendungen und Online-Angeboten, die nicht für Kinder gemacht und geeignet sind. So sind auch Berichterstattungen zu Kriegen, Natur- und sogenannten „humanitären“ Katastrophen sowie zu welt- und innenpolitischem Geschehen Bestandteil der alltäglichen Lebenswelt von Kindern. Diese gehen damit ganz unterschiedlich um. Sie reagieren auf Bedrohliches oder Unverständliches verunsichert, geängstigt oder auch interessiert – sie bleiben jedoch mit ihren Fragen und Ängsten oft allein, denn nicht immer stehen Erwachsene zur Verfügung. Vor diesem Hintergrund haben es sich Kindernachrichtensendungen zur Aufgabe gemacht, Nachrichten auf eine an den Bedürfnissen und Horizonten von Kindern orientierte Weise zu vermitteln. In dieser Ausgabe der Medienwelten analysieren Jessica Klinger und Antje Müller vergleichend die Kindernachrichtensendungen „Newsround“ und „logo!“ und sie stellen heraus, welche Qualitätskriterien mit der Orientierung an dieser Zielgruppe verbunden sein müssen.

Nachrichtensendungen für Kinder sind im Rahmen der politischen Sozialisation bedeutsam und sehen sich mit verschiedenen Anforderungen konfrontiert. In der vorliegenden Studie unterziehen die Autorinnen die deutsche Kindernachrichtensendung Logo! und die britische Kindernachrichtensendung Newsround einem inhaltsanalytischen Qualitätsvergleich. Dazu leiten sie Qualitätskriterien aus normativen, inhaltlichen sowie formalen Beurteilungskriterien aus Rezipienten-, Produzenten- sowie aus wissenschaftlicher Sicht ab, die sie für Aussagen über die Aufbereitung und Eignung dieser Kindernachrichtenprogramme heranziehen. Die Ergebnisse dieser tiefgründigen Analyse bieten detaillierten Aufschluss über Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede der untersuchten Sendungen und ermöglichen so eine differenzierte Betrachtung der Frage danach, was die Qualität von Kindernachrichtensendungen – auch unter interkulturellen Gesichtspunkten – ausmacht. / TV News programs for children, within the context of political socialization, are not only hugely important but are also being faced with constant challenges. The following study focuses on Germany’s Logo! and Britain’s Newsround, two of the larger scale television news programs on offer for children. The study offers ananalytical, quality comparison of the two shows. It looks both at the quality criteria of normative, context-related and formal assessment criteria, whilst exploring the perspective of the recipient, the producer and more scientific approaches. The study concludes with an analysis of the format preparation of the two shows and analyses their respective suitability for children. The study offers a profound insight into the similarities and differences between these two broadcasts and considers how we can attempt to measure the quality of children’s news programs.

How does great power security assistance affect civil-military relations in developing states? Great powers use security assistance in the form of arms, equipment, and training not only to build capacity but also to impart values and norms in developing militaries. The United States and other liberal powers, for example, explicitly try to promote civilian control of the military and respect for human rights. Yet security assistance frequently seems to produce norm-violating militaries instead. Policymakers tend to chalk failures up to insufficient emphasis on socialization, while scholars favor rationalist arguments that stress interest misalignment between providers and recipients. By contrast, I argue that norm violations tend to occur not because assistance fails to impart norms, but because it does not impart them quickly enough relative to increases in military capacity and because—in the case of liberal providers—it imparts conflicting norms. Moreover, counter-messages from competing providers dilute the efficacy of socialization attempts. In this dissertation, I argue that we must disaggregate how security assistance changes military beliefs as well as military behavior. Accordingly, the first part of the dissertation examines the conditions under which security assistance leads to shifts in military beliefs. I argue that security assistance can socialize recipient militaries to adhere to norms such as respect for human rights and civilian control of the military, but such norm-abiding behavior is likely to emerge only under certain conditions. First, because it is hard to change beliefs about standards of appropriate behavior in the security domain, socialization requires extensive military training and interaction over time. Moreover, socialization will only occur when there are no competing norms being promoted by other providers. Even if socialization occurs, however, there is no automatic guarantee that behavior will change because behavior is the output of multiple forces including norms, interests, and capabilities. In the second part of the dissertation, I argue that a powerful feature of foreign military training is its ability to alter all three elements of decision-making. However, foreign military training can strengthen military capacity faster than it socializes norms of restraint. When organizational interests are threatened, militaries with enhanced capabilities from security assistance may be more likely to intervene politically or abuse human rights. Second, liberal assistance imparts norms with potentially contradictory implications for behavior. Conflict between liberal norms can arise when political leaders, who militaries are supposed to obey, order the military to harm the population that they are supposed to protect. The contradiction can lead to perverse behavioral outcomes by reducing support for both of the conflicting norms. The dissertation uses micro-level, sub-national, and cross-national data to test the arguments both between and within countries. My empirical focus is on Africa, where many states receive assistance from multiple providers. To evaluate the effects of socialization on belief change, I conduct an original survey of the Liberian military, which the United States rebuilt after Liberia’s civil war ended in 2003. The survey includes an experiment in which soldiers hear a scenario about civilians ordering the military to repress protests, engendering conflict between the two liberal norms. I find that higher levels of training strongly increase support for liberal norms. The experimental evidence suggests, however, that exposure to norm conflict leads to reduced support for both norms and the effects are strongest among soldiers with more US training. To examine the effects of counter-messages from competing providers, I conduct a case study of the Tanzanian military, which Canada and China concomitantly tried to train during the 1960s. Canada attempted to build a liberal military in Tanzania, while China sought to shape a socialist military (China prevailed). The case study draws on hundreds of archival documents from the Canadian military training mission to process trace Canada’s influence and socialization attempts. Finally, to test the link between security assistance and military behavior, I build a new dataset of military involvement in politics and human rights abuses across Africa from 1999 to 2010. Quantitative analyses demonstrate that US foreign military training corresponds to less military interference in politics and repression. These effects are strongest at higher levels of training and training has stronger effects on military behavior than other forms of security assistance. But there is a catch: rapid increases in training appear to drive worse outcomes. By showing the ways, some of them unexpected, that security assistance can change military beliefs and behavior, this study illuminates both the promise and pitfalls of security assistance as a tool of statecraft.

Pourquoi des électeurs membres des classes populaires et socialisés à gauche votent-ils à droite ? Alors que les enquêtes sociologiques portent essentiellement sur l’abstention, le vote à gauche et la présence de l’extrême droite en milieu populaire, cette thèse aborde un phénomène électoral peu étudié : le vote de droite en milieu populaire. Les propriétés sociales des électeurs ne pouvant pas, à elles seules, expliquer ce choix électoral, c’est par une enquête ethnographique associée à une entreprise monographique, menée sur un quartier d’habitat social niçois entre 2014 et 2016 que sont définis les « sens » du vote de droite en milieu populaire. Un suivi au long cours des électeurs dans leur environnement a permis d’établir que ce vote n’est pas simplement le fait d’individus socialisés à droite et/ou appartenant aux franges supérieures des classes populaires et/ou en situation d’ascension sociale. Il concerne aussi des électeurs socialisés à gauche, situés dans les segments les plus précarisés des catégories populaires. La thèse montre qu’ils votent à droite sans exprimer des préférences politiques de droite, mais en cherchant une réponse à leurs demandes sociales. Dans ces conditions, les mêmes attentes sociales peuvent se traduire par des choix électoraux différents, tels qu’un vote à droite à une élection locale et un vote à gauche à l’élection présidentielle. Ces variations électorales, qui font sens pour l’électeur et ne renvoient pas à un déficit de compétence politique, s’expliquent par une entreprise d’ancrage et de travail politiques intenses de candidats situés à droite. Ils endossent leur rôle d’élu de proximité en euphémisant leur affiliation partisane, manifestent des dispositions sociales qui autorisent l’identification des électeurs, redistribuent des biens publics et disposent, sur le terrain, de puissants relais dans le tissu social. Ainsi, une forte dynamique d’encadrement des classes populaires peut produire, localement, une incitation au vote à droite chez les plus précarisés d’entre eux. Le sens qu’ils assignent à ce choix n’est dès lors pas en rupture avec leurs préférences politiques et est ajusté à leurs attentes et dispositions sociales. C’est donc à l’intersection de la sociologie des électeurs et de la sociologie du métier d’élu que se déchiffrent les sens du vote. / Why do working class voters, whose socialization lies on the left, eventually choose right wing candidates? While most of the scholarship on contemporary politics tends to focus either on the growth of the far-right, abstention or the decline of left-wing activism, this thesis studies a phenomenon that has, so far, attracted little attention. A two-year ethnographic inquiry into a working-class district of Nice shows, instead, the many meanings a right-wing vote has for the poor, and how support for conservative candidates is often shaped by dynamics that have little to do with the voters’ social attributes. Studying voters in their social environment attests, as one would expect, that right-wing suffrage within the working classes regards its higher, ascending stratas, whose claims for status and respectability is better defended by conservative candidates. However, this thesis also shows how and why the latter’s campaigns can meet the expectations, representations and standards of the more vulnerable and precarious segments of these classes, sometimes socialized to left-wing values. In such conditions, the same social expectations can translate into contradicting ballots at a local election and for a national poll, such as a presidential election. These electoral variations, which make sense for the electors, are not the result of ignorance or political illiteracy. They can be explained by the long-term rooting of conservative leaders, who embrace their role as representatives and shape their discourses and practices to better answer the expectations of lower class citizens: they perform their roles according to working class standards, share public goods and widen their leadership thanks to strong men on the field. Therefore, a tight control of low-income neighborhoods can locally produce a conservative support among the poor and the most vulnerable, as long as right-wing candidates adjust themselves to the needs and expectations of their clients and do not seem to contradict their immediate interests. It is, therefore, by embracing both electoral and elite sociology that one can decipher and understand the meaning of local polls.