Essa tese se insere no emergente campo dos estudos sobre a juventude no Brasil. Seu problema de investigação está orientado para a busca de compreensão sobre a experiência de jovens militantes de partidos políticos. Encontram-se em transformação as formas e modos de agir político; novos grupos e demandas políticas engendram maneiras alternativas de mobilização em relação ao que ocorre em espaços tradicionais de engajamento, tais como partidos, sindicatos, etc. Contudo, os partidos continuam arregimentando jovens para seus quadros. Em linhas gerais, investigou-se as experiências militantes, os caminhos percorridos até o engajamento em um partido, as práticas dos jovens nos partidos e sua relação com o tempo. Buscou-se compreender, ainda, a maneira como as experiências partidárias incidem sobre os demais aspectos da vida desses jovens. O estudo foi desenvolvido adotando a perspectiva de investigação qualitativa baseada na realização de entrevistas individuais com jovens universitários que revelaram, através de um questionário inicial, seu engajamento em partidos políticos. Foram realizadas entrevistas com 21 jovens, sendo 10 deles entrevistados em uma segunda etapa, cerca de um ano depois da realização da primeira entrevista. Os jovens estavam engajados em 5 diferentes partidos, todos do espectro político de esquerda: PT, PSOL, PSTU, PCdoB e PDT. A escolha por jovens universitários se deu pela necessidade de realização de recorte que permitisse a entrada em um campo que tivesse alguma delimitação espacial e temporal. Além disso, a militância partidária juvenil é tradicionalmente iniciada no âmbito da escola. A elaboração de critérios de seleção dos jovens a serem entrevistados, que considerou o grau de seletividade dos cursos universitários cursados pelos jovens, permitiu reunir um grupo bastante diverso sob o ponto de vista das origens sociais; jovens de elites intelectuais, de camadas médias e populares estão presentes entre os 21 militantes entrevistados. Os jovens militantes se inserem em diferentes espaços de militância Movimento estudantil, movimentos populares, organizações sociais, espaços internos do partido, etc; e as experiências incidem de maneiras variadas sobre amizades, relacionamentos afetivos, família, escolhas profissionais e inserção no mercado de trabalho. O tempo de engajamento, as variações de investimento militante e os trânsitos por diferentes espaços de militância partidária compõe um mosaico de experiências que, em alguns casos, permite uma análise do engajamento sob a perspectiva de carreiras militantes. / Part of the emerging field of youth studies in Brazil, this thesis explores and analysizes the experience of young political party activists. These activists are changing how we understand political action. They are creating new groups and political demands engendering alternative ways of mobilizing political activism and transforming what occurs in traditional politically engaged civic practices, such as political parties, trade unions, etc. Interestingly however, the parties continue to rally the support of these young people. This research focuses on the experience of the young activists, the paths they took in joining the political parties, their actual experience in the parties, the time invested and how the party experiences relate to other aspects of their lives. The study was developed by adopting the perspective of qualitative research based on individual interviews with university students that revealed, through an initial questionnaire, their engagement in political parties. Interviews were conducted with 21 young people, 10 of which were interviewed a second time about a year after the completion of the first interview. The young people were engaged in five different parties, all left of center: PT, PSOL, PSTU, PCdoB e PDT. The choice of university students was based on the necessity to limit the field of research, given spatial and temporal boundaries. Moreover, most youth political party activism is traditionally engaged in during university years. A range of selection criteria was developed that enabled bringing together a very diverse group drawing from all social backgrounds; young people of the intellectual elite, the middle and lower classes were among the 21 activists interviewed. The young militants fall into different categories of activism Student Movement, grassroots organizations, social organizations, internal workings of the party, etc. They also relate their experiences: friendships, romantic relationships, family, career choices and labor market. The thesis tracks the political engagement of these young activists, changes in their investment and mobility through various aspects of party activism composing a mosaic of experiences that, in some cases, allows an analysis of political engagement from the perspective of an activist career.

Dans un contexte de diversification des configurations familiales, cette thèse analyse d’abord l’impact des bifurcations familiales sur la socialisation politique secondaire des femmes. Elle permet ensuite de comprendre comment ces bifurcations influent sur la façon dont les femmes conçoivent leur rôle d’agent socialisateur auprès de leurs (beaux-) enfants. L’enquête s’appuie sur une double comparaison, d’une part entre trois structures familiales - nucléaires, monoparentales et recomposées - et d’autre part entre des contextes associatifs et non associatifs. Une analyse quantitative des données ÉRFI de l’INED vient compléter le recours à des méthodes qualitatives plurielles : une enquête ethnographique dans trois associations et une enquête par entretiens auprès de 88 femmes, mères en famille nucléaire ou monoparentale et belles-mères en famille recomposée. Les résultats montrent que les configurations familiales influent sur le processus de socialisation politique. Les expériences de recomposition, et encore plus de séparation, suscitent chez les femmes des socialisations de transformation ; celles-ci sont marquées par une modification de leurs valeurs à l’égard de la famille et des rôles de genre, de leur perception de la justice, des politiques de la famille et des politiques sociales. Ces transformations influent in fine sur le rapport des femmes à l’offre politique. La trajectoire familiale affecte ensuite la façon dont les femmes conçoivent leur rôle d’agent socialisateur. L’analyse montre que le contenu qu’elles souhaitent diffuser à leurs (beaux-) enfants ainsi que les mécanismes et l’intentionnalité à agir qu’elles décrivent varient selon la structure familiale. / In a context of diversification of family structures, this thesis begins by analyzing the impact of familial turning points on the political socialization of women. In addition, it provides an understanding of how these turning points impact the way women see themselves as agents of socialization for their children or stepchildren. This study is based on a twofold comparison in France: on the one side, an examination of three different family structures (nuclear families, single-parent families and stepfamilies) and, on the other side, a comparison of associative and non-associative contexts. A quantitative analysis of ERFI data provided by INED complements the use of several qualitative methods: an ethnographic study within three associations and an interview study carried out with 88 women, mothers in nuclear or single-parent families and stepfamilies. The results of this thesis show that family structures influence the political socialization process of women. Experiences of family blending, and even more those of separation, arouse the transformation of socialization among women. These transformations are marked by a change in their values regarding family and gender roles, their perception of justice as well as of familial and social policies. They finally affect women’s attitude toward the political offer. Family trajectory therefore impacts the way women see themselves as agents of socialization. The analysis demonstrates that family structure influences what women want to pass on to their children or stepchildren, the way they do it and their degree of intentionality.

「改革開放」二十多年以來，中國大陸在經濟上取得了令世人矚目的重大成就，同時也帶動社會、文化、思想及政治等領域的變遷。不過，在發展社會主義市場經濟體制的過程中，出現了一些不相適應的矛盾，譬如貪污腐敗、道德淪喪與治安不良等問題，加上現實、功利的價值觀湧現，造成社會大眾無論在精神、思想、道德等方面都產生失衡現象，因此需要以提倡精神層面的變革去改變這些現象，這也就是中共近年來頻頻呼籲加強「社會主義精神文明建設」的主要原因之一。 所謂「社會主義精神文明」，是指適應社會主義生產方式建立起來的精神文明，也就是中共所指的社會主義精神生活、思想、道德觀念的進步狀態，目標是培養有理想、有道德、有文化、有紀律的社會主義新人，提高全民的思想道德和科學文化素質，因此「社會主義精神文明建設」的主要內容，不脫思想道德建設和教育科學文化建設這兩大部分。 本論文藉由撰者所蒐集的文書資料，以及實地到中國大陸進行參觀訪問的所得，論述「社會主義精神文明建設」的理論和中共推行「社會主義精神文明建設」的歷程，並且透過政治社會化的概念架構，以家庭、學校、社區、企事業單位、軍隊和傳播媒體等六個媒介，論述中共在推行「社會主義精神文明建設」中的實際作為。 本論文認為，中國大陸的「社會主義精神文明建設」的是一種顯性的、計畫性的、直接的，且由官方發動的政治社會化工作。而在建設「社會主義精神文明」的過程中，中共也借用了中華傳統文化的精華，逐步建立起新的道德理論，希望從中汲取能夠被群眾認同的精神，並將它和中共既有的意識形態內涵相連結。 另一方面來說，中共推行「社會主義精神文明建設」的實際目的，就是希望在意識形態的基礎上，從文化、思想、道德等層面，為中共官方奠立一個可長可久的辯護機制。中共試圖讓民眾、社會、甚至自己真正相信，建設社會主義精神文明，可以對抗資本主義、封建思想帶來的不良影響，並減少現代化所帶來的惡果。 / Since the “reforming and opening” policies first initiated two decades ago, China has been astounding the globe by its remarkable achievement in economic development. During the same period transformations in social, cultural, intellectual and political strata have also been brought about. However in the progress of development, which aims at establishing “the capitalist economy in the socialism”, several significant issues such as bureaucratic corruption, deteriorating social morality and worsening public security have been consecutively emerging one after another. Moreover, the prevailing self-interest and utilitarianism have further devaluated the traditional merits in Chinese society. Within this context, to tackle such a social imbalance at spiritual level has become the Chinese authority’s first priority in the project of “the construction of socialist spiritual civilization”. The so-called “spiritual civilization in socialism” intends to build up a spiritual civilization in line with the establishing of socialism in Chinese society. This campaign contains two major parts: Firstly, the PRC government envisions achieving a progressive status of spiritual, intellectual and ethical life with socialism characteristics. Secondly, the ultimate objectives of this campaign are to educate new socialistic people with social morality and discipline; and thereafter, to promote the overall of quality of people’s intellectual ethics, and to enhance scientific and cultural livelihood. In this dissertation, documentary archive researches and field studies in Mainland China have been employed as the research methods. Through these approaches, the author on the beginning describes the theory of “the construction of socialistic spiritual civilization” and the progress of this campaign. Furthermore, within the conceptual framework of political socialization, which contains six subgroups such as family, school, community, state-own-enterprises, military and public media, the author presents the PRC government’s practical achievement in this campaign. This dissertation concludes that “the campaign” is obviously directed by the PRC government with its particular political purpose behind. The CCP is trying to make the public believe that constructing the socialistic spirit can avert downsides of modernization and prevailing capitalism. Meanwhile, the authority employs Chinese traditional relics in hope of establishing a new framework of social ethics and linking it with the CCP’s own ideology, in order to gaining legitimacy and identification from the public. Only in this way, the CCP’s legitimate status and political power can be then secured.

A presente dissertação propõe a discutir a internet e a juventude a luz da abordagem culturalista da Ciência Política. O tema em questão versa sobre a análise da socialização política e o uso da internet por parte dos jovens estudantes matriculados no ensino médio regular do município de Rio Pardo, região central do Rio Grande do Sul. Objetiva-se com a pesquisa interpretar a cultura política e o perfil de socialização constituída nos jovens e a influência destas características nos hábitos de acesso da internet. Especificamente, propõe-se traçar o posicionamento político dos jovens de ensino médio do município de Rio Pardo, no que tange aos seus posicionamentos mais ou menos democráticos; captar seus hábitos de consumo da internet, identificando suas páginas mais acessadas e para qual finalidade; mensurar o interesse da população escolhida por assuntos afeitos ao mundo da política formal e informal; e, mapear diferenças de opinião política por gênero, etnia/cor, renda e ano escolar. Para tal análise foram propostas as seguintes hipóteses: há uma correlação entre o perfil demográfico dos estudantes de ensino médio e a cultura política presente na população analisada e o acesso de sítios na internet (acesso a informações sobre política ou temas afeitos à área); as variáveis de gênero, etnia/cor, renda e ano escolar são importantes para entender a relação que os estudantes têm com o que é acessado na internet e o interesse pela política. A pesquisa constitui-se em um estudo de caso junto aos alunos de ensino médio da Escola Fortaleza. A coleta dos dados foi composta de duas fases, sendo a primeira um survey, onde foi entrevistado oitenta e um alunos. Na segunda fase foram selecionados dez alunos para entrevistas semiestruturadas. Os dados resultantes do survey foram analisados no programa estatístico SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Science); já os dados da segunda fase serviram para aprofundar questões sobre cultura política, socialização política, valores democráticos e internet. Preliminarmente, verifica-se que a população apresenta os valores democráticos pouco desenvolvidos o que acarreta a subestimação do uso da internet como ferramenta de troca de informações e comunicação política. / This thesis aims to discuss the Internet and youth based on the Political Science culturalist approach. This subject deals with the analysis of political socialization and Internet use made by young students enrolled in regular high school of Rio Pardo, in the center of Rio Grande do Sul State. The goal of the research is to interpret the political culture and the socialization profile of these young students as well as the influence of these characteristics in Internet access. It is proposed specifically to track the political position of these students of Rio Pardo in relation to their positions more or less democratic; to find out their habits of Internet use through the identification of the most visited web pages and the reason they do it; to measure the interest of the studied public in formal and informal politics and to map differences of political opinions according to gender, ethnicity/color, income and school years. In order to do this analysis, the following hypothesis have been proposed: there is a correlation between the demographic profile and the political culture of the students and the websites they visit on Internet (access to information about politics or related subjects); the variables of gender, color/ethnicity, income and school years are important for understanding the relation these students have with what they access on Internet and their interest in politics. This research is a study case with high school students of Fortaleza School. Data collection consisted of two phases: the first was a survey in which eighty-one students were interviewed and in the second one ten students were selected for semistructured interviews. The data resulting from the survey were analyzed in SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Science), while the second phase data were useful to deepen questions about political culture, political socialization, democratic values and Internet. In a first moment, it seems that the studied population has democratic values not developed which leads to underestimation of the use of the Internet as a tool for exchange information and political communication.

A presente dissertação propõe a discutir a internet e a juventude a luz da abordagem culturalista da Ciência Política. O tema em questão versa sobre a análise da socialização política e o uso da internet por parte dos jovens estudantes matriculados no ensino médio regular do município de Rio Pardo, região central do Rio Grande do Sul. Objetiva-se com a pesquisa interpretar a cultura política e o perfil de socialização constituída nos jovens e a influência destas características nos hábitos de acesso da internet. Especificamente, propõe-se traçar o posicionamento político dos jovens de ensino médio do município de Rio Pardo, no que tange aos seus posicionamentos mais ou menos democráticos; captar seus hábitos de consumo da internet, identificando suas páginas mais acessadas e para qual finalidade; mensurar o interesse da população escolhida por assuntos afeitos ao mundo da política formal e informal; e, mapear diferenças de opinião política por gênero, etnia/cor, renda e ano escolar. Para tal análise foram propostas as seguintes hipóteses: há uma correlação entre o perfil demográfico dos estudantes de ensino médio e a cultura política presente na população analisada e o acesso de sítios na internet (acesso a informações sobre política ou temas afeitos à área); as variáveis de gênero, etnia/cor, renda e ano escolar são importantes para entender a relação que os estudantes têm com o que é acessado na internet e o interesse pela política. A pesquisa constitui-se em um estudo de caso junto aos alunos de ensino médio da Escola Fortaleza. A coleta dos dados foi composta de duas fases, sendo a primeira um survey, onde foi entrevistado oitenta e um alunos. Na segunda fase foram selecionados dez alunos para entrevistas semiestruturadas. Os dados resultantes do survey foram analisados no programa estatístico SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Science); já os dados da segunda fase serviram para aprofundar questões sobre cultura política, socialização política, valores democráticos e internet. Preliminarmente, verifica-se que a população apresenta os valores democráticos pouco desenvolvidos o que acarreta a subestimação do uso da internet como ferramenta de troca de informações e comunicação política. / This thesis aims to discuss the Internet and youth based on the Political Science culturalist approach. This subject deals with the analysis of political socialization and Internet use made by young students enrolled in regular high school of Rio Pardo, in the center of Rio Grande do Sul State. The goal of the research is to interpret the political culture and the socialization profile of these young students as well as the influence of these characteristics in Internet access. It is proposed specifically to track the political position of these students of Rio Pardo in relation to their positions more or less democratic; to find out their habits of Internet use through the identification of the most visited web pages and the reason they do it; to measure the interest of the studied public in formal and informal politics and to map differences of political opinions according to gender, ethnicity/color, income and school years. In order to do this analysis, the following hypothesis have been proposed: there is a correlation between the demographic profile and the political culture of the students and the websites they visit on Internet (access to information about politics or related subjects); the variables of gender, color/ethnicity, income and school years are important for understanding the relation these students have with what they access on Internet and their interest in politics. This research is a study case with high school students of Fortaleza School. Data collection consisted of two phases: the first was a survey in which eighty-one students were interviewed and in the second one ten students were selected for semistructured interviews. The data resulting from the survey were analyzed in SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Science), while the second phase data were useful to deepen questions about political culture, political socialization, democratic values and Internet. In a first moment, it seems that the studied population has democratic values not developed which leads to underestimation of the use of the Internet as a tool for exchange information and political communication.

A presente dissertação propõe a discutir a internet e a juventude a luz da abordagem culturalista da Ciência Política. O tema em questão versa sobre a análise da socialização política e o uso da internet por parte dos jovens estudantes matriculados no ensino médio regular do município de Rio Pardo, região central do Rio Grande do Sul. Objetiva-se com a pesquisa interpretar a cultura política e o perfil de socialização constituída nos jovens e a influência destas características nos hábitos de acesso da internet. Especificamente, propõe-se traçar o posicionamento político dos jovens de ensino médio do município de Rio Pardo, no que tange aos seus posicionamentos mais ou menos democráticos; captar seus hábitos de consumo da internet, identificando suas páginas mais acessadas e para qual finalidade; mensurar o interesse da população escolhida por assuntos afeitos ao mundo da política formal e informal; e, mapear diferenças de opinião política por gênero, etnia/cor, renda e ano escolar. Para tal análise foram propostas as seguintes hipóteses: há uma correlação entre o perfil demográfico dos estudantes de ensino médio e a cultura política presente na população analisada e o acesso de sítios na internet (acesso a informações sobre política ou temas afeitos à área); as variáveis de gênero, etnia/cor, renda e ano escolar são importantes para entender a relação que os estudantes têm com o que é acessado na internet e o interesse pela política. A pesquisa constitui-se em um estudo de caso junto aos alunos de ensino médio da Escola Fortaleza. A coleta dos dados foi composta de duas fases, sendo a primeira um survey, onde foi entrevistado oitenta e um alunos. Na segunda fase foram selecionados dez alunos para entrevistas semiestruturadas. Os dados resultantes do survey foram analisados no programa estatístico SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Science); já os dados da segunda fase serviram para aprofundar questões sobre cultura política, socialização política, valores democráticos e internet. Preliminarmente, verifica-se que a população apresenta os valores democráticos pouco desenvolvidos o que acarreta a subestimação do uso da internet como ferramenta de troca de informações e comunicação política. / This thesis aims to discuss the Internet and youth based on the Political Science culturalist approach. This subject deals with the analysis of political socialization and Internet use made by young students enrolled in regular high school of Rio Pardo, in the center of Rio Grande do Sul State. The goal of the research is to interpret the political culture and the socialization profile of these young students as well as the influence of these characteristics in Internet access. It is proposed specifically to track the political position of these students of Rio Pardo in relation to their positions more or less democratic; to find out their habits of Internet use through the identification of the most visited web pages and the reason they do it; to measure the interest of the studied public in formal and informal politics and to map differences of political opinions according to gender, ethnicity/color, income and school years. In order to do this analysis, the following hypothesis have been proposed: there is a correlation between the demographic profile and the political culture of the students and the websites they visit on Internet (access to information about politics or related subjects); the variables of gender, color/ethnicity, income and school years are important for understanding the relation these students have with what they access on Internet and their interest in politics. This research is a study case with high school students of Fortaleza School. Data collection consisted of two phases: the first was a survey in which eighty-one students were interviewed and in the second one ten students were selected for semistructured interviews. The data resulting from the survey were analyzed in SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Science), while the second phase data were useful to deepen questions about political culture, political socialization, democratic values and Internet. In a first moment, it seems that the studied population has democratic values not developed which leads to underestimation of the use of the Internet as a tool for exchange information and political communication.

Kinder sind neugierig auf die Welt. Und sie erfahren über diese Welt auch in den Medien, jedoch gibt es nur wenige Medienangebote mit kindgerechten Nachrichten. Dennoch bekommen Kinder Vieles mit: aus Gesprächen von Erwachsenen oder auch aus Nachrichtensendungen und Online-Angeboten, die nicht für Kinder gemacht und geeignet sind. So sind auch Berichterstattungen zu Kriegen, Natur- und sogenannten „humanitären“ Katastrophen sowie zu welt- und innenpolitischem Geschehen Bestandteil der alltäglichen Lebenswelt von Kindern. Diese gehen damit ganz unterschiedlich um. Sie reagieren auf Bedrohliches oder Unverständliches verunsichert, geängstigt oder auch interessiert – sie bleiben jedoch mit ihren Fragen und Ängsten oft allein, denn nicht immer stehen Erwachsene zur Verfügung. Vor diesem Hintergrund haben es sich Kindernachrichtensendungen zur Aufgabe gemacht, Nachrichten auf eine an den Bedürfnissen und Horizonten von Kindern orientierte Weise zu vermitteln. In dieser Ausgabe der Medienwelten analysieren Jessica Klinger und Antje Müller vergleichend die Kindernachrichtensendungen „Newsround“ und „logo!“ und sie stellen heraus, welche Qualitätskriterien mit der Orientierung an dieser Zielgruppe verbunden sein müssen.

[pt] A organização de movimentos de mulheres rurais durante a década de 1980 trouxe à tona um processo que articulou distintas formas de resistência e mobilização na luta por direitos e pelo reconhecimento do trabalho desempenhado pelas mulheres no meio rural brasileiro. Ao reivindicar o seu reconhecimento como trabalhadora rural e, por conseguinte, denunciar a sua exclusão dos espaços de representação política, tais movimentos mobilizam elementos fundamentais para a compreensão da divisão sexual do trabalho nas áreas rurais bem como dos itinerários que definem trajetórias e formas de socialização política destas mulheres. A partir do estudo do Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas no Oeste do estado de Santa Catarina (MMC-SC) organizado há mais de três décadas, a tese aponta como se dá nesse contexto a conformação de uma luta compreendida como de mulheres rurais e a noção de autonomia como justificativa para a existência de movimentos formados exclusivamente por mulheres surge como um aspecto crucial na luta por direitos. A partir de uma abordagem qualitativa, a pesquisa explora estas relações que envolvem o histórico de ocupação e colonização da região, a divisão sexual do trabalho, as formas de organização e socialização política com o objetivo de compreender como estas são traduzidas em termos de reivindicações para o MMC-SC. Vistas por esse prisma, não privilegiamos a observância de um conflito específico, e sim do tecido social que permitiu a emergência do movimento analisado e do engajamento destas mulheres ao longo dos anos. Tal perspectiva outorga ainda um olhar menos normativo sobre estas experiências do fazer política, distanciando-se de classificações ou tipologias definidas a priori. / [en] The organization of rural women s movements during the 1980s brought to the fore a process that articulated different forms of resistance and mobilization in the struggle for rights and recognition of the work performed by women in rural Brazil. By claiming their recognition as a rural worker and, therefore, denouncing their exclusion from spaces of political representation, these movements mobilize fundamental elements for understanding the sexual division of labor in rural areas as well as the itineraries that define trajectories and forms of political socialization of these women. Based on the study of the Movement of Peasant Women in the West of the State of Santa Catarina (MMC-SC), organized more than three decades ago, the thesis shows how in this context the formation of a struggle understood as rural women and notion of autonomy as justification for the existence of movements formed exclusively by women emerges as a crucial aspect in the struggle for rights. From a qualitative approach, the research explores these relationships that involve the history of occupation and colonization of the region, the sexual division of work, the forms of organization and political socialization in order to understand how these are translated in terms of demands for The MMC-SC. Viewed from this perspective, we do not privilege the observance of a specific conflict, but rather of the social fabric that allowed the emergence of the movement and the engagement of these women over the years. This perspective also gives a less normative view of these experiences of political making, distancing itself from classifications or typologies defined a priori.

The aim of the study is to assess the potential for the development of political volunteering among young people. The main research methods were document analysis, expert interviews, questionnaires, and observation included. In the process of research, data on the classifications and specifics of volunteer activities were systematized, the functions of political volunteering were determined; analyzed the legal regulation of the political participation of citizens; the concept of determining the potential of political volunteering is formulated, a methodology of sociological research aimed at determining the potential of political volunteering is developed and implemented. The result of the work was the development of a number of recommendations and measures for the development of political volunteering in the Sverdlovsk region and in the Russian Federation. The recommendations are addressed to state and municipal government bodies, as well as to organizations-operators of political volunteering. / Цель исследования – оценка потенциала развития политического волонтерства в молодежной среде. Основными методами исследования являлись анализ документов, экспертное интервью, анкетирование, включенное наблюдение. В процессе исследований были систематизированы данные о классификациях и специфике волонтерской деятельности, определены функции политического волонтерства; проанализировано нормативно-правовое регулирование политического участия граждан; сформулирована концепция определения потенциала политического волонтерства, разработана и реализована методика социологического исследования, направленного на определение потенциала политического волонтерства. Результатом работы стала разработка ряда рекомендаций и мероприятий по развитию политическое волонтерства в Свердловской области и в Российской Федерации. Рекомендации адресованы органам государственного и муниципального управления, а также организациям-операторам политического волонтерства.

The relationship between parenting style and political socialization was examined in 258 college students with an average age of 19.6. Political socialization approaches along with Erik Erikson’s Eight Stages of Man comprised the theoretical framework in this study. Regression analysis was used to determine the relationships between maternal and paternal parenting style, political party affiliation, attitude to authority, political conservatism (racial/social conservatism, religious fundamentalism, and punitiveness), and political identity. Results indicated that high levels of maternal acceptance were related to a conservative political party affiliation, high scoring on overall political conservatism, and high levels of religious fundamentalism. High levels of maternal psychological control were linked to a conservative political party affiliation, pro-attitudes to authority, high levels of overall political conservatism, and higher punitiveness. High levels of paternal firm control were related to political identity achievement. / Master of Science