This thesis presents an examination of the change in position of George (Gennadios) Scholarios on the question of the Union of the Roman and Eastern churches. The question I will address concerns the reason for Scholarios’ dramatic change of position from pro-Union to anti-Union, within a few years of the Council of Florence 1438-1439, where the Union of churches had been agreed. I will argue that Scholarios’ changed position on Union is best explained by political factors that influenced his decision, and was not simply governed by the theological questions debated at the Council of Florence. In Chapter One, the Introduction, I will introduce a critical analysis of the existing field of research, to set the thesis in the context of Scholarios scholarship that has previously been undertaken. In Chapter Two, Research Questions and Methodology, I will outline the scope of this thesis, discussing the crucial questions that need to be addressed and the method I will use to develop my arguments. In Chapter Three I examine the key cultural role that the philosophy of Aristotle and Aquinas played in the fifteenth century, and the extent to which Scholarios’ views were formed and shaped by this philosophical context. This chapter will argue that these philosophical influences provided the initial motivation that moved Scholarios towards Union. As the implications of such political aspirations warrant further investigation; I go on to examine Scholarios’ writings, not only on philosophy, but also on theology. I will explore whether the political guidance offered in taking up the study of philosophy was also to be discerned in the study of theology. In Chapter Four, I will examine how Aristotelian philosophy was deployed as an explanatory tool in interpretations of polemics, debates, and panegyric and rhetoric works of the period. I will suggest that Byzantine preambles, poems, sermons and theological panegyrics were also subject to general imperial legislation. In Chapter Five, I will argue that Scholarios’ study of Aristotelian philosophy allowed him to form a view of how the political future of the Empire might to be developed. I explore Scholarios’ visionary ideas of reform and contrast these with Plethon’s political perspective. I suggest that the acrimonious relationship between Scholarios and Plethon was due to their political and philosophical differences, which defined the way they viewed the future of the Empire. In Chapter Six, I argue that the primary key to comprehending the relationship between East and West lies in understanding the vested commercial interests. I argue the Byzantine state had deteriorated owing to foreign powers—the Italian city states, Catalonians, Franks and the Ottoman Turks—attempting to acquire and dominate the commercial and strategic political domains of the Eastern Roman Empire. This was initially driven by trade and commercial rivalry between the Latins; commercial interests also prompted the development of naval and military power by the Latins at the expense of the Eastern Roman Empire, which eventually left the Empire militarily and financially destitute. One result of this deterioration in the commercial and military power of the Empire was to allow the progressive rise in dominance of the Ottoman Turks. In light of the dangerous situation the Empire was facing, Scholarios—in the service of the imperial bureaucracy and under the dominance of the Emperor’s political policy—sought to solve the dilemma and reconstruct the Empire's political power. In Chapter Seven, I will argue that these political events, together with the political aspirations of Scholarios, led to his change of position from pro-Union to anti-Union. I will suggest that examination of the cultural, commercial and political influences in play leads to the conclusion that Scholarios’ pro-Union position was primarily motivated by the objective of obtaining military aid. When it became apparent that such aid was not forthcoming, his position changed from pro-Union to anti-Union, as it was politically expedient for him to do so in light of the growing dominance of the Ottoman Turks. I argue that Scholarios followed the political policy concerning pro-Unionism proposed by Dimitrios Kydonis, and it was not until the political event of the Battle of Varna in 1444, when the Latin military forces lost to the Ottoman Turks that Scholarios formally openly declared his anti-Union stance. In the conclusion, I will argue that, following my presentation of the evidence as outlined above, the political motivations constitute the strongest reasons for Scholarios’ decision to change his stance on the Union. This conclusion allows us to understand the vested commercial and political interests at stake, since the Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantine state), had deteriorated owing to the dominance of foreign powers. The ramifications are to be seen in the outcome of the Council of Florence where the Byzantines sought the aid from the West, but also demonstrated its dependency upon them. In the light of the growing power of the Ottoman Turks, the Emperor’s political policy sought to solve the dilemma and reconstruct the Empire's political power.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T21:02:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 13 / Fundo Loyola de Apoio Acadêmico / Este trabalho de dissertação tem a pretensão de investigar e apresentar uma construção dos principais aspectos da teoria política de Nicolau Maquiavel a partir das censuras que este pensador florentino efetuou sob forma de críticas à Igreja Romana. Maquiavel condena o comportamento ético e político da Igreja. Num primeiro momento consideramos estas censuras para apresentar e desenvolver a crítica, em especial aquela que acusa a Igreja de ser a principal responsável pelo estado de ruína que se encontrava a Itália. A Antipolítica da Igreja representa, para Maquiavel, um impedimento para a península seguir seu curso na mesma velocidade da evolução dos demais Estados europeus daquele final do século XV. Para o florentino a antipolítica do cristianismo apresenta raízes bem mais profundas que tanto a análise e comparação dos acontecimentos pretéritos sobre seu tempo, que resultaram no diagnóstico político da enfermidade que assolava estado de enfraquecimento da sua Itália, quanto a sua contribuição para a formaçã / This master thesis aims to investigate and to present a construction of the main aspects of Niccolo Machiavelli political theory begining from the censorships that this Florentine thinker made to the Roman Church. Machiavelli condemns the ethical and political behavior of the Church. In a first moment we considered these censorships to present and to develop the critic, especially that that accuses the Church of being the main responsible for the ruin state in wich Italy was in. The antipolitic of the Church represents an impediment for the courtry to follow his course in the same speed of the evolution of other European States of that final XV century. The antipolitic of Christianity presents much deeper roots than those he analysis and compairs with the past events on his time, that they resulted in the political diagnosis of the illness that devastated state of weakness of Italy, as well as its contribution in forming the political notion of the State, it passes, for a critic to the Roman Church and also

La thèse étudie les sources de la pensée de dom Guéranger, le célèbre abbé de Solesmes, sa formation initiale et ses motivations quand il restaure le monachisme bénédictin en France au début du XIXe siècle. Les travaux sur la liturgie qui l’ont rendu célèbre font partie d’un ensemble : le jeune Prosper Guéranger appartient à cette génération de clercs dits « ultramontains » qui entre en résistance contre l’État français qui entend annexer l’Église gallicane. Membre actif du cercle mennaisien avec ses amis Montalembert et Lacordaire, Guéranger propose le monachisme bénédictin comme moyen de renouveau spirituel de l’Église : la fondation de l’abbaye de Solesmes est un projet politique qui doit permettre la régénération de l’Église et même de la société tout entière. Ce courant a des ramifications en Europe et spécialement en Angleterre avec le mouvement d’Oxford : Newman et Guéranger puisent aux mêmes sources dans les mêmes années pour relever des défis similaires. Le projet monastique de Guéranger s’apparente par certains aspects aux utopies d’inspiration romantique qui fleurissent à la même époque mais c’est surtout le centralisme romain revendiqué et la dimension eschatologique de la vie monastique, manifestée dans la liturgie, qui en fait un moyen de résistance spirituelle. Guéranger appartient à un mouvement général qui explore les sources de l’Antiquité chrétienne afin de permettre à l’Église de retrouver son identité fondamentale et les moyens de sa mission. / The thesis investigates the sources of the thinking of the famous abbot of Solesmes, analyzing his initial training and motivation when he restores Benedictine monasticism in France in the early nineteenth century. His liturgical work that made him famous is part of a whole: the young Prosper Guéranger belongs to that generation of clerics called "ultramontane" who resists the French State attempt to annex the Gallican Church. As an active member of the Mennaisian circle with his friends Montalembert and Lacordaire, Guéranger presents Benedictine monasticism as a means of spiritual renewal for the Church: the foundation of Solesmes abbey is a political project which should enable the regeneration of the Church and even of society as a whole. This current has branches in Europe and especially in England with the Oxford Movement: Newman and Guéranger draw on the same sources in the same years for similar challenges. Guéranger’s monastic project is similar in some respects to some utopias of romantic inspiration that bloom at the same time but it’s especially the Roman centralism and claimed eschatological dimension of monastic life, manifested in the liturgy, which makes Solesmes a means of spiritual resistance. Guéranger belongs to a general movement that explores the sources of Christian antiquity in order to allow the Church to regain its fundamental identity and the means of its mission.

[pt] A neocristandade no Brasil foi uma tentativa de restaurar o catolicismo no Brasil, em plena continuidade com a Igreja Universal. Este trabalho analisa a atuação do segundo Cardeal brasileiro Dom Sebastião Leme da Silveira Cintra e sua contribuição no processo de neocristandade na Igreja Católica do Brasil entre os anos de 1920-1940. Dom Leme exerceu enorme influência na Igreja do Brasil, usando da cultura, dos meios de comunicação, da aproximação com o Governo, da arregimentação das massas e dos intelectuais neste processo. Foi o mais expressivo episcopado, no país, na tentativa de revitalizar os valores e o sentido do catolicismo na sociedade brasileira moderna. Por meio de um programa em plena união com a Igreja Universal, esse Cardeal deu passos profundos em vários campos da sociedade, buscando implantar e reformar o espírito católico. Para tanto, implementou leis e práticas religiosas, aumentando e incentivando, sobretudo, as devoções a eucaristia, ao Sagrado Coração de Jesus, a Nossa Senhora e o amor e obediência ao Papa. Observa-se o conceito de neocristandade como chave de compreensão do catolicismo moderno e das discussões em torno da modernidade. Discute-se o entendimento do conceito com base no pontificado do Papa Leão XIII, porém aprofundando com os pontificados de Pio X, Bento XV e Pio XI. A neocristandade no Brasil é compreendida, portanto, a partir das características apresentadas pela Igreja Romana e trazidas para a realidade brasileira. A pesquisa apoia-se numa ampla bibliografia, nas atas de visitas pastorais, comunicados e avisos diocesanos, artigos publicados em relação ao tema, pesquisa em documentos nos arquivos das Arquidioceses de Curitiba, São Paulo e sobretudo do Rio de Janeiro. Focaliza-se neste trabalho a relação Igreja Estado, no período proposto, e a relação da hierarquia eclesiástica com os fiéis leigos e o empenho de uma elite intelectual para instaurar uma neocristandade no Brasil. / [en] Neochristianity in Brazil was an attempt to restore Catholicism in Brazil, in tandem with the movement of the Universal Church. This paper analyzes the deeds by the second Brazilian Cardinal Archbishop Sebastião Leme da Silveira Cintra and his contribution to Brazil’s Catholic Church between 1920 and 1940. During this process, Archbishop Leme exercised enormous influence on Brazil s Church by making use of the culture, mass media, his approach to the Government and his call both to the masses and the literate. His was the most expressive Episcopacy in the country to try to revitalize the values and the Catholic sentiment in the modern Brazilian society. By means of a program fully aligned with the Universal Church, the Cardinal made a tremendous progress in different aspects of the society looking to implement and reform the Catholic spirit. Consequently, he implemented religious laws and practices, fostered and increased the devotion to Eucharist, the Sacred Heart, Our Lady and love and obedience to the Pope. The concept of Neochristianity is key to understand modern Catholicism and the discussions about modernity. It is analyzed under the influence of Pope Leo XIII s pontificate and further deepened with the pontificates of Pius X, Benedict XV and Pius XI. Therefore, Neochristianity in Brazil is understood from the characteristics of the Roman Church and localized to Brazilian reality. The research is supported by a wide bibliography, the acts of pastoral visits, diocesan notices and memos, published articles related to the topic, study of documents in the archives of the Archdioceses of Curitiba, São Paulo and mainly Rio de Janeiro. This research is focalized in the relationship Church-State in the aforementioned period, the relationship of ecclesiastic hierarchy with the lay faithful and the efforts of an intellectual elite to install a neochristianity in Brazil.

The thesis addresses the monuments of Great Moravian church architecture and is based on the material accumulated during the past century. It analyzes the influence of different architectural styles, the hypotheses by different scholars and the existing contradictions between them. The thesis covers a selection of church buildings many of which possess a special spiritual value. Special attention is paid to the hypothesis of the construction date and architectural sources of Ste. Catherine church in Tamovice. Of special interest are the interviews and consultations with leading Czech and German researchers, historians and archeologists carried out while working on the thesis.

Parish clergy and religious change in Prague's diocese from Council of Trent till the end of the 17th century The religious change that happens in Bohemia in the 17th century has no equivalent in the Europe at this time: the whole country, where Catholics were in a very minority, comes back to the roman Church. This evolution is here seen from a very prosaic point of view: how lay people live this change, and so how acts the parish clergy in this matter. Conversion's strategy, at the end of the Council of Trent, was to permit the use of the chalice to the laity. The consequence of this permission was a very hazy situation in the parishes, but Holy See did nothing before the battle of White Mountain, and after the battle, he suppressed chalice, mainly for pastoral reasons. During the Thirty years War, the kingdom is the place of a general reform, which has its origins in the catholic missionary movement of the beginning of the century and in the political theories of this time. Bohemia is strongly marked by the war that acts as a catalyst; at the same time political and religious authorities were lacking. The inhabitants, usually just formal Catholics at the beginning, convert themselves more and more deeply during the 17th century. The eldest, who remembered the non-Catholics services, died during the...