Diss. : Theologische Fakultät : Rom. : 1979-80. - Bibliogr. p. 276-282. Index. -

Diss.--Katholisch-Theologische Fakultät--München--Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, 1996. / Bibliogr. p. XXI-XL. Index.

Diss.--Katholisch-theologische Fakultät--Bonn, 1978-79. / Bibliogr. p. 507-532.

Papal sovereignty has been for centuries, and still 10, dominating force in the experience of the human race and is the fusionning of human institutions. Today it stands forth as a tremendous fan of history and by its very claims and power invites examination.

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Le 10 janvier 1984, les Etats-Unis et le Saint-Siège annoncent l’établissement de relations diplomatiques. Cette décision s’inscrit dans un contexte de tensions accrues entre les Etats-Unis et l’Union soviétique après la détente qui avait caractérisé les années 1970. L’accord idéologique semble parfait entre Ronald Reagan et Jean-Paul II, tous les deux connus pour leur anticommunisme farouche. Le rapprochement constaté dans les années 1980 a conduit certains à évoquer l’existence d’une alliance entre Rome et Washington ayant visé à précipiter la chute des régimes marxistes. Pourtant, une analyse plus poussée de leurs relations pendant cette période tend à infirmer cette lecture. Le Vatican ne va pas toujours approuver les politiques de déstabilisation des régimes marxistes menées par l’Administration Reagan, contrairement aux attentes de cette dernière. Washington, pris au dépourvu, va consentir des efforts importants pour convaincre Rome du bien fondé de sa politique étrangère. Négociations de désarmement, Initiative de défense stratégique, Amérique centrale et Pologne seront autant de sujets abordés pour essayer d’emporter l’adhésion du Saint-Siège, ou tout du moins pour éviter une condamnation, ne serait-ce qu’implicite, de sa politique. Parfois, le Saint-Siège va agir dans un sens favorable aux intérêts américains, mais quelle que soit l’effet de ses prises de position sur Washington, ces dernières s’expliquent par le fait que le Saint-Siège a agi selon des intérêts qui ne sont pas tous liés à la lutte contre le communisme. / On January 10, 1984, the United States and the Holy See announced the establishment of diplomatic relations. The decision was made in a context of revived tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union after the détente of the 1970s. At first sight there seems to have been a perfect ideological convergence between President Ronald Reagan and Pope John Paul II, as both were famous for their vocal anticommunism. The rapprochement witnessed in the 1980s has led some to posit the existence of an alliance between Rome and Washington, the aim of which was to hasten the collapse of Marxist regimes. Yet, a closer analysis of Vatican-American relations during that period contradicts such an interpretation, as the Vatican did not by any means endorse all of Reagan’s Cold War-related policies. This led to efforts on the part of Washington to convince the Holy See of the legitimacy of its foreign policy options. Arms reduction, Strategic Def! ense Initiative, Central America, and Poland were some of the topics brought up by Washington in order to secure Vatican approval, or at the very least to prevent a condemnation, even an implicit one, of US policies. Sometimes, the Holy See did act in a manner construed as favorable to US interests. However, this was always in keeping with its own interests, which were not solely Cold War-related, and which the Vatican always pursued, whether they tallied with those of the United States or not.

At the close of the sixteenth century, the Roman architect Domenico Fontana choreographed the transformation of the Vatican Obelisk from its antique position on the circus of Nero, to its present location facing St. Peter's. Fontana's treatise Della trasportatione dell'obelisco Vaticano (1590), records this event in a detailed narrative, and a series of remarkable etchings. Architect to Pope Sixtus V, Fontana is often cited as a founder of city planning due to his seminal reorganization of Rome's topography, and as an early proponent of civil engineering owing to his calculated mechanics. Yet neither of these appellations do justice to Fontana's complex practice, one in which architecture is composed in time, characterized by the intensity and profundity of the festival, and the divine power of Man to operate within a world of sympathies. The scaffold which translates the obelisk---and the occulted knowledge of these cosmographic relations---into the space of the city, also invokes an alternate tradition for architecture. Opposite classical solidity and eternal being, Fontana's castello proposes the immaterial, and the ephemeral. An inquiry into this scene of emerging order is particularly relevant for our contemporary world, with our idols fallen and our foundations in rain. / Appended to this thesis is an abridged English translation of Della trasportatione, chapter 1.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Rutgers University, 2008. / "Graduate Program in Art History." Includes bibliographical references (p. 152-163).

La thèse reconstitue les activités et les ramifications transnationales du réseau antisémite, contre-révolutionnaire et anticommuniste animé par Mgr Umberto Benigni de 1917 à 1934 (« Entente romaine de défense sociale »). Mgr Benigni est une figure majeure de l’intransigeantisme catholique, soldat de Pie X dans la lutte acharnée contre le modernisme ; membre de la Curie et professeur renommé, Benigni marque la formation de plusieurs dirigeants de l’Eglise, notamment Eugenio Pacelli, futur Pie XII. Mais Benigni est également un nom récurrent dans l’historiographie sur l’antisémitisme italien en raison de la longue durée de sa carrière de publiciste antisémite ; avant les lois raciales fascistes de 1938, il incarne l’une des principales traditions d’antisémitisme national. À partir des archives privées de Mgr Benigni, des archives du Vatican et des archives du fascisme italien, cette thèse met à jour les activités du prélat romain en relation avec ses plus proches collaborateurs italiens (la revue Fede e Ragione) et français (Mgr Jouin et l’abbé Boulin, autour de la Revue internationale des sociétés secrètes, Le Bloc catholique de Toulouse). Par cet exemple de réseau, c'est une certaine cartographie de l'antisémitisme, de l'engagement intransigeant et de l'extrême droite, qui peut être reconstruite. Les ramifications internationales du réseau sont multiples impliquant différents groupes antisémites britanniques, américains, allemands, suisses ou encore les activistes russes blancs en exil. Une attention particulière est portée aux connexions politiques des catholiques intransigeants autour de Mgr Benigni, notamment avec l’Action française et le fascisme italien. / My research contributes to the history of interwar antisemitism by examining the interplay between two aspects usually neglected in the scholarship on antisemitism: the involvement of Catholic activists and the transnational dimension of antisemitic propaganda. By studying the Catholic network led by the Roman prelate Umberto Benigni and drawing upon the recently opened Vatican archives (Pius XI’s pontificate and Holy Office archives), my work revisits antisemitism through the lens of transnational methods. Challenging the traditional distinction between religious anti-Judaism and modern antisemitism, the overarching question of my research is how the transnational diffusion of antisemitic propaganda played a key role in the reshaping and renewal of Catholic hostility toward Jews during the interwar period. Focusing on a specific network led by Italian and French clerics with global right-wing connections, my dissertation uncovers that antisemitism was the common ground that gathered divergent tendencies as heterogeneous as French Catholics, Italian Fascists, White Russian émigrés, and German National Socialists. As a case study, Msgr Umberto Benigni’s network demonstrates Catholic antisemitism’s transnational connections and permeability with political and racial prejudices. Going beyond the Nazi-centric debate on antisemitism, my research draws upon the recent development of Holocaust studies related to the Italian and Vatican contexts, and examines an alternative model of Catholic Latin antisemitism. My dissertation thus exposes Catholic networks as one of the main vectors and driving forces of antisemitism’s transnational spread during the interwar era.

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