<p>Although gender-based violence has been identified as highly problematic in South Africa, it has not been given much scholarly attention in relation to refugee women. This study focuses on the experience of some of these women who have resettled in Cape Town. The main focus is on gender-based violence and the linkages between conflicts at home, fleeing from it, as well as the problems faced by women when they reach the &lsquo / new&rsquo / country where they are suppose to be safe, but yet continue to experience gender violence. By referring to my own empirical research I try to tease out the many instances of violence and abuse such women face, how they understand and try to make sense of it and how they try to take up their lives in Cape Town. I utilized the much used ecological framework to analyze gender-based violence and argue that, while this &lsquo / model&rsquo / is dynamic and allows one to make analytical linkages across different &lsquo / levels&rsquo / of violence, it nevertheless does not adequately provide for understanding the relationship between larger global and international processes, the connection that women may still have with their countries of origin and the impact of being a refugee or unwanted &lsquo / immigrant&rsquo / in South Africa</p>

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

During the 19th century, British imperialism and Canadian colonialism aspired to subdue, subjugate and assimilate the Plains Cree (cf. Tobias 1992:148). This particular brand of colonialism employed Indian policy – a form of structural violence—rather than military force. I argue that structural violence was both legitimized and supported by cultural violence. The distortion of history is a prime example of cultural violence. That Canada followed an honorable and just policy in its dealings with Plains Indians (cf. Tobias 1983:519) is the contemporary residue of a myth created during colonial times in political circles to justify the dispossession of Aboriginal lands and resources. In the 19th Century, Cree leaders, Piapot and Big Bear, who were perceived as threats to Canadian “progress,” were routinely publicly maligned. The “official” historical literature often uncritically reflected these prevalent ethnocentric views of the day. Critical historical theorists, however, have offered a number of opposing views. This thesis focuses attention on the literature which takes a more critical and culturally informed approach to Canadian nation-building. It places a discussion of structural constraints at the centre of an exploration of the strategies Plains leaders used to resist a variety of Indian policies including reserve settlement.

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Feminist critiques have been instrumental in cautioning the use of restorative justice in cases of domestic violence. However a smaller body of feminist literature examining the issues from the perspective of victim-survivors, supports the use of restorative justice in domestic violence cases. This thesis aims to contribute to the second body of research and incorporate particular victim-survivor voices into a debate that has profound implications for how justice could be administered for future victim-survivors of domestic violence. Thematic, narrative and discourse methods of analysis were used to reveal and explore e-interviews with two B.C women who experienced domestic violence and underwent a restorative justice process in response. Within a feminist framework, the results support the view that, when safety and power can be fully addressed, restorative justice renders benefits not obtainable in the traditional justice system: victim-survivors experience empowerment, and achieve healing and closure. / Graduate

The novel Life As the Invisible Woman, details the death, re-birth and life of a young woman who learns through her experience that she creates "good" and "bad" in the context of her own life, and will continue to do so in an eternal process until, as the character Sarah states in the book, "there is more light in her than water and clay." It is also a story about abuse, domestic violence, and their devastating psychological consequences in the lives of those who experience them.Life As the Invisible Woman is being submitted as a partial manuscript in fulfillment of the creative project requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in creative writing. / Department of English

This research tested the hypothesis that men who batter possess enhanced abilities to self-monitor and self-control their self-presentation, and that this ability is developed through childhood learning. A random telephone survey of male heads of household was used to determine self-monitoring skills, battering behavior, and a childhood history of observing violence.In Shelby County, Tennessee, 212 men were interviewed by 6 trained interviewers. Subjects were divided into "violent" or "non-violent" groups based upon their responses to survey questions 28-45 (Straus', 1979, Conflict Tactic Scale). They were also divided into "history" and "no-history" groups based upon their answers to questions 51-54 (which asked about observing violence as children). These groups were then compared using the self-monitoring scale scores obtained from the first 27 survey questions (The Lennox-Wolfe Self-Monitoring Scale). Other questions, concerning demographic information and conditions surrounding current violence were also cross-tabulated with the different groups using a chi-square test.Of the 212 men in the sample population, the 52 who admitted violent behavior also achieved the highest scores on the self-monitoring scale. These results indicate that men who batter are also the most skilled at self-monitoring and in charge of their projected image. However, no conclusive evidence was found to support the theory that exposing children to violence will result in the development of enhanced self-monitoring skills. Upon examining the situations surrounding violence with a partner, some interesting results were obtained. Men who report being violent are more likely to be violent at night, in the home, and in the presence of children. No relationship was found between the use of alcohol and violent behavior.

Through an elaboration Bourdieu I argue that the embodiment of heterosexist norms produces negative dispositions towards gay men and women. Though this position relates to the literature on homophobic violence in its critique of social structures that contribute to homophobia, analyzing dispositions as nonconscious, bodily effects differentiates Bourdieu's position. Here Bourdieu provides a means for theorizing how norms are reproduced on the surface on the body as looks, gestures, and feelings, and not in the unconsciousness or the deep-seated beliefs of individuals. The particular contribution that Bourdieu makes to the study of homophobia argues that homonegativity is transferred from “body to body, below the level of conscious control” (Bourdieu, 2000, 95), and not only through the verbal denunciations or the rational devaluation of sexual minorities. Below the present work engages several of Bourdieu's central concepts, namely habitus, doxa, and symbolic violence, and applies his theoretical perspective to homophobia and homophobic violence. This engagement is necessary as Bourdieu does not address homophobic violence in his writing. In applying Bourdieu in this manner this work contributes to the scholarship on Bourdieu as well as the study of homophobia and homophobic violence.

During the 19th century, British imperialism and Canadian colonialism aspired to subdue, subjugate and assimilate the Plains Cree (cf. Tobias 1992:148). This particular brand of colonialism employed Indian policy – a form of structural violence—rather than military force. I argue that structural violence was both legitimized and supported by cultural violence. The distortion of history is a prime example of cultural violence. That Canada followed an honorable and just policy in its dealings with Plains Indians (cf. Tobias 1983:519) is the contemporary residue of a myth created during colonial times in political circles to justify the dispossession of Aboriginal lands and resources. In the 19th Century, Cree leaders, Piapot and Big Bear, who were perceived as threats to Canadian “progress,” were routinely publicly maligned. The “official” historical literature often uncritically reflected these prevalent ethnocentric views of the day. Critical historical theorists, however, have offered a number of opposing views. This thesis focuses attention on the literature which takes a more critical and culturally informed approach to Canadian nation-building. It places a discussion of structural constraints at the centre of an exploration of the strategies Plains leaders used to resist a variety of Indian policies including reserve settlement.

In this Bachelor thesis I am going to look at attitudes towards political violence in a small town in Sweden in the 1920s. The town I have picked for this study is Kalmar situated on the east coast of Sweden. This study is a micro historic case study. The specific case is a strike at the city’s water and gas plants for higher salary. To see these attitudes in Kalmar, I have to ask myself these questions: Which are the establishment’s attitudes towards political violence in a small town in Sweden in the 1920’s? How does the working class movement, the work union and the social democratic party’s attitudes look like in a small town in Sweden in the 1920’s? The answer I got is that the establishment had a direct negative attitude towards the political violence at the gas plant in Kalmar. The working class and the unions and Social democratic party had a different attitude. They distanced themselves from the violence, but they showed sympathy for the person who got punished for the violence.