This paper analyses proceeding of international community headed by United Nations by Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo conflict resolution. It examines roles of the most important international actors within particular conflict resolution phases that are represented by policy lines defined by Boutros Boutros-Ghali and used by UN. It verifies statement that international community has participated by conflict resolution in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Kosovo in every phase and has used instruments of all policy lines. The first chapter defines single policy lines that international community has at its disposal when conflict resolving. Reasons and course of conflicts are outlined within the second chapter. The third and fourth chapter analyse in particular subchapters international community activities in relation to preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peacekeeping and peacebuilding in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Kosovo.

The master thesis deals with the role of NGOs in post-conflict reconstruction, the case study is applied to the post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. The post-conflict reconstruction goes on since the end of the civil war in 1995 there. The aim of this work is to evaluate the fulfillment of the four pillars of the post-conflict reconstruction in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first chapter follows the theory of peacekeeping operations and theoretical classification of the post-conflict reconstruction. In the second chapter, there is an application of the Dayton Peace Agreement on the four pillars of the post-conflict reconstruction. The third chapter deals with activities of NGOs in Bosnia and Herzegovina and presents some major projects and the overall assessment of their impact. For the methodology was chosen qualitative and quantitative evaluation and analysis and synthesis of data.

This paper presents the role theory and the role conception power for peace which was created for the European Union on the basis of its values, norms and rules. Five criteria that define power for peace were applied to the peace mission EUFOR Althea in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After verification of all criteria it was proved that the EU has acted as power for peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina and it has therefore fulfilled its role conception.

The civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which took place between 1992 and 1995, is perceived as the most tragic conflict in Europe since the Second World War. The process of postconflict reconstruction has been running there for 17 years and there have been numerous actors involved. But still, the process has not been finished. The diploma thesis deals with the question of the role played by particular involved actors in the process of postconflict reconstruction. In the first part of the thesis the theoretical framework of postconflict reconstruction is presented. In the second part the contemporary situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Dayton Peace Agreement are outlined. The third part fully focuses on the analysis of particular groups of actors. Three groups of actors are analysed: the international community, the local ruling elite and the international and local nongovernmental organisations. The aim of this work is to identify the objects of those actors in the process of postconflict reconstruction and consequently to evaluate their opportunities to achieve those goals. The SWOT analysis is applied to analyze the role of the actors.

Storytelling and Reconciliation: Shifts in Frames and Discursive Narratives in Listeners of the Initiative "My Story" in Bosnia and Herzegovina Hana Oberpfalzerová Abstract In Bosnia and Herzegovina, two non-governmental organizations have been running the initiative "My Story" within which three war victims, one Bosniak, one Serb and one Croat, tell their wartime stories and their way to reconciliation in public testimonies in a side-by-side, live setting to an audience of young people or ordinary citizens. The aim of the initiative is to promote reconciliation in the listeners. This doctoral dissertation integrates several disparate fields in order to create an analytical framework for inferring attitude shifts from the discursive narratives recalled by the listeners, and from the frames that connect the single narratives to broader societal discourses within these discursive narratives. Three public testimonies were analyzed and interviews with eighteen listeners from the three Bosnian nations were conducted, some of which were interviewed by phone about four months later to check for further attitude changes. The interview material was analyzed inductively by the means of thematic discourse analysis in order to identify the underlying discursive narratives that were then regrouped into dimensions or...

The main goal of this paper is to examine the perceptions related to Bosnia and Herzegovina as a country that fosters terrorism. The concepts of radicalization, extremism and terrorism are examined as separate entities in the context of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the confusion of these contexts is particularly harmful, prompting negative attitudes and conclusions. It includes a review of the origins of Jihad in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the 1992-1995 war and transformation into the Salafi Movement after it. Some theoretical concepts consider the popular perspective on the Salafi community, relations between the Salafi Community and the Islamic Community the responses of media who propagate both the valid and stereotypical information, the motivations that drive the Salafist community, but also the motives of Bosnia and Herzegovina's society for the exploitation of this community. Other focuses are the changes that take place after the September 11th terrorist attacks, and their effect on Bosnia and Herzegovina are discussed in the context of the fight against terrorism and the re-examination of the intentions of the Salafi communities. Finally, conclusions are drawn about the perception of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a terrorist threat. In addition, the relationship between the Salafi...

The main subject of the research is the social discourse about the ethnic identity of children born of rape during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992-1995. Acts of rape are considered to be part of the war tactics of major rivals (Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Army of Republika Srpska, and Croatian Defence Council) and paramilitary units. Forced fertilization and disallowance of abortion was carried out as an accompanying factor of ethnic cleansing. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia has recognized these acts as war crimes. The main objective of the research is to pursue a cross- societal discussion on the issue of inheritance of identity in the case of children of war: first, through a discourse analysis of the media, which significantly contribute to the image of these children, and second, through the contribution of interviews conducted during the field research. The way in which the children born of war are depicted and perceived affects various aspects of their lives. The results of the project will contribute to the discussion of war crimes and their impact on contemporary Bosnian society.

Brain drain, or human capital flight, is a phenomenon which represents a society-wide problem in the post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). At present, more than half of the people claiming BiH nationality live abroad, out of which a significant part possesses tertiary education. Loss of human capital carries negative socio-economic consequences which hinder the country's development. On the other hand, brain gain, i.e. return of highly skilled migrants to their country of origin, might reverse some of the unfavourable effects. Nevertheless, the phenomenon of the return of highly skilled migrants remains under researched not only within the region of the Western Balkans, but also on a global scale. Although this type of migration has increasingly attracted the attention of many scholars from various academic and non- academic fields, contemporary literature on this topic suffers from limitations and tends to oversimplify the returnees' motivations to purely economic incentives. This study attempts to describe the complex factors leading the highly skilled migrants to return to BiH. Based on the 33 respondents' subjective preferences from the spheres of career, family and lifestyle, this work provides an insight into the decisions of returnees in the context of the developing Western Balkan country.

In this thesis I explore the relationship between characteristics of the society culture in Bosnia, the organizational culture of Bosnian enterprises and characteristics of the expected leadership in Bosnian companies of three branches of industry (food processing, telecommunications, and financial services). Much of the inspiration for this thesis comes from the Global Leadership and Organizational Behaviour Effectiveness (GLOBE) project. The main idea of GLOBE is to advance an empirically established theory, to comprehend and envisage the effect of particular cultural variables on leadership and organizational processes and the effectiveness of these processes. The research instruments build up on both quantitative and selected qualitative GLOBE research methods in order to supply descriptive and scientifically valid data of cultural influences on leadership expectations and organizational practices in Bosnian society. The background theory guiding this thesis is the culturally endorsed implicit theory of leadership (CLT) developed for the GLOBE project. Empirical findings reveal that historically, religiously and politically impacted models of thinking are still predominant features of Bosnian society. Even though internationalization opens Bosnian market for business interactions, various conventional patterns of behaviour seem to be maintained. On the other hand, Bosnian managers expect positive change in the Bosnian society. The existing cultural profiles of organizations in three sectors are rather divergent and shaped under the influence of the industry in which they function. In contrast, organizational culture value profiles of the industries investigated have equalizing effects, which indicates the impact of Bosnian societal culture on the desired cultural profile of Bosnian organizations. Charismatic/value based, team oriented and participative leadership dimensions are accounted to be the most significant dimensions for effective leadership in Bosnia. Furthermore, empirical findings suggest that leadership dimensions are connected with culture in a unique way. It was found that society and organizational culture influence the way people perceive effective leaders, as well as status, influence and privileges granted to leaders. Individual perceptions of effective leadership in Bosnian society and organizations are dependent of society and organizational culture. Furthermore, it was found that organizational culture values were more frequently predictive of leadership dimensions than societal cultural values.

The purpose of this study is to analyse the parliamentary structure and tasks of Bosnia and Herzegovina to see the limitations it has on the progress to democracy. By studying the Dayton accords appendix four (the constitution) and article four (the parliamentary assembly). In the analysis two theories was used, historical institutionalism and rational choice theory to help find answers to the purpose. With the thematic analysis method to analyse the material and to find themes in the data these three themes was put together, complex parliamentary structure, discrimination against minorities and the balance of power between the various institutions and actors. The material was some scientific reports and books by a variety of different authors and the Dayton accords. The analysis shows that the parliament structure is structured in a non-democratic way, the function of the structure is to keep and preserve the peace in the region. In conclusion the Dayton accords is the main reason for the structure of parliament and that it was made for peacekeeping, not necessarily to create a democratic state. Why there has not been any reform or change in the structure is because the political elite has it easier to gain their own interest with this structure rather than a democratic structure.