Orientador: Aparecida Neri de Souza / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T07:15:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_JoaoPetrucioMedeirosda_M.pdf: 4775835 bytes, checksum: 3a605d9fb0a5254c0fa86790b584e490 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: A política neoliberal e o processo de racionalização, decorrentes da política de reforma do Estado implementada a partir da década de 90, produziram fortes impactos na organização e nas relações de trabalho no setor público, sobretudo, na categoria dos servidores públicos municipais, em particular, os ajudantes de serviços gerais da Prefeitura Municipal de Campinas que prestam serviços nas Administrações Regionais e Subprefeituras. O processo de privatização, desregulamentação e flexibilização do trabalho largamente empregado pelo Estado, repercutem nos municípios de forma a reproduzir em ampla escala a lógica do processo de racionalização. A substituição dos trabalhadores efetivos por trabalhadores de contrato temporário de trabalho, o sucateamento da estrutura pública em detrimento da contratação de empresas fornecedoras de serviços, máquinas e equipamentos terceirizados, para além de precarizar as relações de trabalho, acentua de forma drástica o processo de desmonte do Estado no mais claro sinal de sedimentação da política de racionalização. Nesse sentido, este estudo pretende contribuir para o debate em torno das transformações vivenciadas no mundo do trabalho, cujos impactos e reflexões decorrentes dessa política, apontam para a categoria dos trabalhadores desse setor público, em particular os trabalhadores das Administrações Regionais e Subprefeituras como uma categoria ameaçada / Abstract: The neoliberal politic and the racionalization process, became the politic of the new form the State implemented from the 90 decade, produced strong impacts in the organization and in the works relations in the public section, over all, in the part of the municipal public employers, the assistant in the general services in a Campinas city hall who work at Regionals Administration and subcity Hall. The process of privatization, desregulamentation and work flexibilization applied by State reflect in a cities the form that reproduce the scale in a racionalization of the logic the process. A change of the fixes workers by temporary workers, a deteriorization the structure public in a damage the contract of the service supplier company, machine and contract equipments besiders precarization the work relationship to emphatically and reflection from this political the drastic form the state dismount process in a signal the sedimentation of the rationalization politic. In the this direction, that this research intend to contribute with of debate around the transformation lived in the of the world workers such a on impacts originator in that public section, to mark the works category over all form Regional Administration and sub cities Hall how about the menaced category / Mestrado / Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura / Mestre em Educação

Why do original/grassroots branding efforts occurring on a local level continue to proliferate despite the existing market saturation created by larger corporate entities? Using existing theoretical frameworks associated with “do it yourself” (DIY) culture, this thesis explores cultures and themes associated with skateboarding, including the production and consumption of brands of skateboarding products; the use of space and spatiality by skateboarders; and, finally, changes in skateboarding. I conducted ethnographic interviews within a network of skateboard entrepreneurs in the Florida skateboard community, seeking to understand why they start brands, their perceptions of their entrepreneurial efforts, and how these businesses operate. Drawing from historical, visual and interview data, I identify the roles that branding efforts play into the formation of skateboard culture. The project analysis creates an understanding of skateboard culture that explores skateboard identity at the intersections of consumer/citizen, individual/citizen and the politics of larger capitalist structures and the entrepreneurial efforts of local business.

Cette recherche traite des mutations contemporaines de la peine à partir de l'hypothèse foucaldienne de l'avènement de la gouvernementalité néolibérale. Le néolibéralisme semble reposer sur le déclin des techniques disciplinaires de pouvoir, telles que décrites en particulier par Foucault (Surveiller et punir). Il fait rupture avec l'autorité monopolistique, avec le pouvoir direct sur les corps, avec la fixation institutionnelle des individus. Or le pouvoir disciplinaire entretenait chez Foucault un lien privilégié avec l'institution carcérale : la prison, c'est l'archétype disciplinaire. Si bien que la mise en question de ce modèle disciplinaire général du pouvoir par l'avènement de la gouvernementalité néolibérale implique une réinterrogation du système pénal, qui s'est présentée par l'entremise d'un problème-prison. Si la prison pose problème aujourd'hui, si le système pénal se réforme autour de la critique de la prison, c'est parce que la prison est devenue un archaïsme visible, une forme désuète de l'art de gouverner les comportements humains, et ce malgré la permanence et l'accélération de l'enfermement. La prison constitue ainsi un problème stratégique de cette transition des formes de gouvernement : le néolibéralisme s'éclaire dans son exercice contre les murs, et hors des murs du carcéral ; il éclaire en retour le mouvement contemporain de contestation critique et de transformation effective des fonctions pénales générales : la régulation pénale et les peines ouvertes dites de réinsertion. De sorte qu'un dispositif de pouvoir contemporain distinct puisse être appréhendé. / This research deals with the contemporary mutations of punishment, from the perspective of the Foucauldian hypothesis of an emerging neoliberal governmentality. Neoliberalism seems to be resting upon the decline of disciplinary power techniques, such as described in particular by Michel Foucault in Discipline and Punish. Neoliberalism breaks with monopolistic authority, direct power on bodies, and the institutional detention of individuals. Yet, disciplinary power had, according to Foucault, a privileged link with the prison institution: the prison is the archetype of discipline. It is so to the extent that the calling into question of the disciplinary model of power by the emergence of neoliberal governmentality implies a deeper questioning of the penal system, through the constitution of the prison as a problem. If the prison institution has become problematic, if the penal system is reforming itself through the critique of prison, it is because it has become an obvious archaism, an obsolete art of governing human behaviors, in spite of the permanency and even the increase of the number of incarcerations. The prison thus constitutes a strategic object for the study of the transition between forms of government: neoliberalism can be analyzed through its specific activity both against prison walls and beyond them. It enlightens contemporary phenomena, from internal penal critiques to factual transformations of the general functions of punishment: penal regulation and post-custodial, open and outdoor punishments aiming at rehabilitation (reinsertion). Through the study of these penal mutations, a contemporary, specific apparatus of power can be comprehended.

Why is it that, at a time when countless state officials are apologizing for historic wrongs and insisting that Canada has entered a period of reconciliation, many settlers continue to act towards indigenous peoples with unabated aggression and resentment? This thesis attempts to explain the continual reproduction of settler colonialism through an investigation of the processes involved in the formation of settlers as political subjects. Developing a Butlerean account of the subject, the author suggests that settlers are produced through colonial regimes as political subjects with deep and often unacknowledged investments in the reproduction of systems of oppression that provide for their material and psychic position of privilege. While the instability inherent in such systems ultimately threatens settlers themselves – as seen in the collapsing North American middle class – the fragility and precarity experienced by settlers who are targeted by neoliberal reforms often leads them to reinvest in, and aggressively defend, those very systems of power as a matter of subjective continuity. The author’s inquiry into these issues emerges from his own experience as a settler, and as an attempt to understand what motivates the aggression and resentment that many elements within his own community direct towards indigenous peoples. Because of these motivations, much of this thesis is grounded in discussions about the ways in which the author’s home community, in the southern Ontario riding of Bruce-Grey-Owen Sound, is predicated in ongoing acts of colonization. From burial ground reclamations, to mob violence, to the problems inherent in combatting white supremacy without at once critiquing settler colonialism, each of the examples brought forward in this thesis attempts to analyze why this community of settlers seemingly throbs with a collective anger and indignation that is continually directed at the Saugeen Anishinaabek. / Graduate

There is a widespread sense that Britain is an unfair society with an unfair education system, and that this ought to change. Yet the prescribed panacea of 'equality of opportunity' is bound up with new extensions of middle-class privilege. In an attempt to historicise the social basis of that paradox, this thesis offers the 'educational afterworld' as a theoretical framework for prising open the determinations formal schooling exerts in adult British society. It is written from a Marxist perspective and treats the Blairite mantra of 'Education, Education, Education' as part of an ideological history in which structural inequality has been reproduced through the three-tier school system that emerged in the late Victorian period. As a point of entry into the educational afterworld, this project explores long-established categories of culture as they were articulated at key moments in this unfolding history. The legacies of three major Kulturkritikers - Matthew Arnold, F.R. Leavis and Richard Hoggart - and their preoccupations - class, politics, race, the city and commodified life - entered the 80s as a repertoire of motifs, patterns and axioms. I am interested in how these cultural co-ordinates were reconfigured by critiques of and collusions with the mercurial socio-political changes of the period on which I focus. Moving through the 80s and 90s, and with periodic glances back to earlier episodes of British life, the chapters map 'high' and 'low' culture onto the hierarchy of educational institutions that continues to produce the gulf between exquisite prose and 'underclass' illiteracy. A focus on sexuality is a notable feature of each chapter, honing discussion of these educational afterworlds through consideration of the ways in which gay male sexuality and an emboldened female sexuality mediate social status and distinction (in Bourdieu's sense). For these reasons, the texts selected are Alan Hollinghurst's The Swimming-Pool Library (1988) and The Line of Beauty (2004), the BBC2 drama serial This Life (1996-97) and, with his BBC sitcom Gimme Gimme Gimme (1999-2001), Jonathan Harvey's 'feel-good' play Beautiful Thing (1993).

This thesis offers a critical examination of what I call the “Apatow aesthetic” in order to analyze the social processes of growing up in contemporary neoliberal network society. While doctors, psychologists and social scientists still proffer a model of mid- 20th century human development centered around a chronologically-determined life cycle, the Apatow aesthetic imagines a non-linear reality where traditional life events and social practices don’t always correspond to specific age groups. Specifically, I argue, the Apatow aesthetic subjects the spectator to the pleasures and pains of these life-cycle disruptions, and reveals the unfolding of a new cultural shift which challenges the legitimacy of mid-century heteronormative, adulthood.

This dissertation is an attempt to use the radical political economy approach, which assumes that there is a connection between a state’s strategic interests and the interests of dominant multinational corporations (MNCs) located within a state’s territory, to explain continuity in the USAID development agenda and lending patterns during the past 30 years of development aid to Haiti. Employing the qualitative method of "process-tracing," my study concludes that the radical political economy approach has an explanatory power when it comes to understanding continuity in the USAID development agenda and lending patterns during the past 30 years of development aid to Haiti. The evidence shows that USAID has implemented in Haiti, from the 1980s through the post-9/11 Washington Consensus period, neoliberal policies that conform to the political economy of US multinational corporations (US MNCs). Contrary to the claim that the USAID-sponsored post-earthquake development paradigm has departed from previous development strategies, the study has shown that USAID has used the occurrence of the January 2010 earthquake tragedy to accelerate in Haiti the implementation of a neoliberal agenda congenial to the business promotion of multinational investors, particularly US multinational corporations. In terms of the way ahead, the study argues for the implementation of a new development approach articulated by a legitimate Haitian state and primarily intended to promote the socioeconomic development of the poorest Haitians.

This project outlines the existence of neoliberal multiculturalism and identifies the implications and limitations of its practice. Neoliberal multiculturalism involves the institutionalization of group autonomy by the state to download responsibility to jurisdictions that have historically lacked sufficient fiscal capacity and have been hampered by colonialism in the development of the political capacity necessary to fully meet the requirements entailed by the devolution. At the same time, this practice releases the formerly responsible jurisdiction from the political burden of the policy area(s) despite its continued influence and effect. As demonstrated by my analysis of the Indigenous child welfare devolution that has occurred recently in Manitoba, neoliberal multiculturalism therefore involves a certain kind of “privatization”—that is, it involves the appearance of state distance from said policy area. This practice problematizes the traceability of power and decision making while at the same time it co-opts and in many ways neutralizes demands from critics of the state by giving the appearance of state concession to these demands. In response to the dangers of neoliberal multiculturalism, I situate multiculturalism in a robustly political model of democratic multi-nationalism (characterized by both agonism and deliberation) in order to combat multiculturalism’s tendency simply to rationalize “privatization” and to enhance democratic accountability. My approach goes beyond dominant constructions of group autonomy through group rights by emphasizing that autonomy is a relational political practice rather than a resource distributed by a benevolent state. Building on my analysis of Indigenous autonomy and the unique challenges that it presents for traditional democratic practices, I outline a contextually sensitive, case-specific employment of what I term “democratic multi-nationalism”. This approach conceives of Indigenous issues as inherently political in nature, as opposed to culturally defined and constituted, and therefore better meets the challenges of the colonial legacy and context of deep difference in which Indigenous-state relations take place today. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

In asking about the experiences of professors embodying and enacting tools of critical pedagogy, this thesis seeks to explore strategies of resistance to the hegemony of neoliberalism in the Academy. This research focuses on the Canadian university as characterized by neoliberal logic and the hierarchical practices of capitalism, patriarchy, and colonialism. By exploring the themes of neoliberalism, violence, tension, critical pedagogy, and anti-oppression, that are in turn rooted in personal testimony and lived experience of educators, this study seeks to challenge normative systems of knowledge production to expand and explore subjugated knowledges. What is at stake is developing strategies that may be cultivated and documented as critical pedagogical tools that work toward collective imaginings of resistance.

Existent scholarship in communication studies has failed to adequately address the particular pedagogical context of current public secondary education within the United States. While communication studies has produced a great deal of scholarship centered within the framework of critical pedagogy, these efforts fail to offer public high school teachers in the U.S. a tenable alternative to standardized constructs of educational communication. This thesis addresses the need for a workable, critical pedagogy in this particular educational context as a specific question of educational communication. a theorization of pedagogical action drawing from critical pedagogy, pragmatism, and communication studies termed “critical pragmatism” is offered as an effective, critical counter point to current neoliberal classroom practices in U.S. public secondary schools.