探討台灣是否應成立國家主權基金，以及提出相關實施方法。首先針對國家主權基金的緣起、歷史沿革、以及特色等做基本介紹，再藉由個案研究，冀望透過分析他國國家主權基金之經營方式，獲得有利資料，有助於研究台灣是否適合成立SWF，以及如何實施之建議。 / Because of global financial crisis since 2007, the financial subcommittee under the Office of the President, Republic of China, addressed the possibility of establishing Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF) of Taiwan in 2008, in order to integrate resources in a more efficient way, and to stimulate domestic economy development. However, the comments regarding this issue are controversial and there are few people in Taiwan who understand SWF. Therefore, the subject of this thesis is to study “if it is appropriate for Taiwan to establish SWF, and the best process to establish SWF if it is”. In Chapter II, I will introduce what is SWF. SWF is a government-owned investment vehicle, which has already shown up since 1953 but be only noticed these years due to its dramatic growth. The importance of SWF is the impacts that SWF brings, including both the good sides (financial stabilization) and the bad sides (exacerbating market volatility and lacking of transparency). Also, the national security issue of the bad impacts and the relative regulation system are the most critical concerns for SWF host countries and recipient countries. In Chapter III, I use six criteria (Background, Funding Purpose, Scale, Source, Investment Policy, and Governance) to analysis six SWFs (GIC, Singapore Temasek, CIC, ADIA, Norway GPF, and KIC); trying to figure out the appropriateness for Taiwan to set up SWF, and the way how to establish if it is appropriate. The result of this analysis is posted in the end of this study (Chapter IV)--Taiwan definitely has the capability to establish its own SWF, and the whole society will benefit from it: 1. Background (1) Taiwan holds huge amounts of foreign exchange reserves. (2) It is hard to find good objectives to invest overseas. (3) Taiwan domestic market needs capital injection to stimulate the domestic economy 2. Funding Purpose (1) Manage foreign exchange reserves more efficiently and seek for better investment return; and (2) Inject capital domestically to prompt industry upgrading or transforming; in order to stimulate country development. 3. Scale It should depends on how much does it take for SWF’s investment portfolio, or for the policy of upgrading domestic industry. 4. Source Foreign exchange reserves is the best sources for funding SWF. Considering Taiwan is not the member of IMF and may need more foreign exchange reserves against hot money attacks, I use two ways to demonstrate that the foreign exchange reserves is absolutely sufficient as the source for SWF. 5. Investment Policy (1) Put more weights on domestic investments. (2) Follow government industry policy, to invest capital in the future blue-chip industry. (3) Invest in those industries that Taiwan familiar with or good at. 6. Governance (1) Establish another company to manage the assets of SWF which were entrusted by government. (2) Let external funds managers stand an appropriate proportion in all managers. (3) Make the specific regulation about Taiwan SWF. (4) Bottom-up periodic report mechanism and the up-down authorization system. It is important that the suggestion above can only be done and be implemented by an integrity entity or government. Only when Taiwanese government takes preparation well beforehand, the advantages of SWF can be seen completely.

人權在國際政治中所扮演的角色不僅涉及到國家與其人民之內部問題，更影響一國的外交政策。本文藉由四種國關理論的探討：現實主義、理想主義、新自由制度主義、馬克思主義，對於人權的觀點進行分析與研究。次就東西方文化間的差異，探究國際人權建制的形成對於國際政治的發展及國家固有的主權觀念造成何種衝擊與挑戰。相較於西方強調天賦人權，以儒家思想為主流之中國傳統文化標榜群體之和諧，此種將個人與群體視為一體之想法，使中國強調社會整體利益。中共強調其提倡人權之目標在於促進社會進步，而非僅係單純在於保護個人之權利。本論文針對毛澤東、鄧小平、江澤民以及胡錦濤四個時期之中共領導人，就其對人權議題之主張進行進一步之分析和比較；其中，國際環境的結構性因素，係中共推動數次國內人權政策調整暨修正的重要變數，而美國則是主導或介入其中的樞扭性關鍵。另一方面，雖說自推動改革開放以來，中共已擴大和國際社會之接觸，積極地加入國際組織與人權建制，然而，若仔細探究北京政府背後真正的動機，仍與「國家利益」脫離不了關係。基於主權至上的思考，中共反對假借保護人權之名而行干涉內政之實的人道干預行動，更對由美國或西方國家發起、主導的干涉行為抱持負面之評價；而西方世界，特別是美國，則認為中共強調應由「文化相對主義」出發來發展人權的論述，實為中共政權為其人權惡名尋求辯解之藉口。 / Human rights in international politics play the role not only in the sector of the relationship between states and their people, but in the division of foreign policy deeply. This thesis through four kinds of theory (Realism, Idealism, Neoliberal institutionalism and Marxism) in international relations analyze and research the issue of human rights. Secondly, depending on the gap between the culture of occident and orient, the author explored impacts and challenges which originate from the developments of international politics and states’ inherent knowing of sovereignty by international regimes. Comparing with western states which accentuate natural human rights, the traditional culture that has been influenced on the Confucian in China emphasize the according thinking. This thinking considered that individual and universal are the one without difference, under this way, China propose that the goal of human rights is to promote social progress, not to only protect the rights of individual. The thesis focus on Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, all of them are the CCP’s leaders in the different period, researching and comparing their policies of human rights; through this way, the author found that international system, the structural factor, is the momentous variable in pushing China promotes and modifies its human rights policy, and America, the very point, take the predominance in the sector. On another hand, after the Reform and Open door policy performing, China although has engaged in international society more than before, joined together with international organizations and regimes of human rights; however, in light of the motive behind the Beijing carefully, we can know the China’s behavior still can’t leave without national interests. On the basis of national sovereignty, China against any hypocritical pretext like humanitarian intervention or human rights protecting, because these have possibility for western states, especially the America, to adopt the action for intervening its domestic affairs. But in the view of western states, the United States plays the leading role, think that “cultural relativism” and the conception of human rights from it are the sophism for PRC escape from the notoriety in human rights protection and practice.