本研究旨在探討漢語母子對話中兒童「然後」的使用與其功能。研究語料來自於八位年齡介於兩歲七個月到五歲四個月的兒童，並分成兩組：年紀較小之兒童(平均兩歲十一個月)與年紀較大之兒童(平均四歲十個月)。本研究主要根據Su (1998)的分類，把兒童「然後」分為連接詞(connective)及言談標記(discourse marker)的使用。連接詞的使用有時間性(temporal)、遞增性(additive)、因果性(causal)及轉折性(contrast)四項功能。言談標記的使用有填補語(verbal filler)、主題接續(topic succession)及主題再開(resumptive opener)三項功能。研究結果顯示年紀較大之組的兒童使用「然後」的次數較多。隨著兒童年齡增長，言談標記使用的增加比連接詞的增加還多。「然後」當連接詞時，時間性功能使用得最多。與Yeh (2011)「然後」在敘述文中的研究比較，其顯示出「然後」在敘述文中出現得比在對話中還多。另外，時間性功能隨著年紀減少，而遞增性及因果性隨著年齡增加，可用Winskel (2003)的「概念複雜性」(conceptual complexity)來解釋。「然後」當言談標記時，兒童填補語使用得最多，其隨著年紀增加而減少使用。主題再開兩組都使用得少，而主題接續只出現在年紀較大之組別。總結，兒童在「然後」的使用上有發展上的不同。 / The study investigated Mandarin-speaking children’s different use of ranhou at different ages in mother-child conversations. Eight subjects aged from 2;7 to 5;4 were divided into two groups; a younger group (mean age: 2;11) and an older group (mean age: 4;10). In this study, the children’s use of ranhou was categorized into connective use and discourse marker use, mainly based on Su’s (1998) classification. The connective use of ranhou includes temporal, additive, causal, and contrast functions. The discourse marker use of ranhou contains verbal filler, topic succession, and resumptive opener functions. The results showed that older children used more tokens of ranhou than younger children. As children got older, the discourse marker use of ranhou increased much more than the connective use of ranhou. In the connective use of ranhou, temporal ranhou was the most frequent function. Compared with Yeh’s (2011) study of ranhou in narratives, it may be suggested that ranhou occurs more in narratives and less in conversations. Additionally, the temporal function decreased with age whereas the additive and causal functions increased with age, which could be explained by Winskel’s (2003) conceptual complexity. In the discourse marker use of ranhou, the verbal filler function was used the most and decreased with age. The tokens of the resumptive opener function were few in both groups, and the topic succession function only occurred in the older group. To conclude, the results suggest that there is a developmental difference in children’s use of ranhou.

本研究使用Schiffrin (1987) 提出的言談結構（discourse structure）為分析架構，旨在觀察漢語兒童在同儕互動中使用口語中常出現的言談標記「好」和「對」的情形，藉以檢驗其如何反映漢語兒童的溝通技巧以及同儕互動的特性。研究語料來自六位五歲的漢語兒童兩兩之間互動的對話，共237分鐘。 研究發現五歲漢語兒童能掌握言談標記「好」和「對」在三個言談結構的功能，且他們使用此兩個言談標記的不同功能時有所異同。首先，「好」和「對」主要使用於交談順序結構（exchange structure）作為表同意的標記。雖然在成人對話中「好」和「對」皆可用於交談順序結構及語意結構（ideational structure），作為表知曉（acknowledgement）的反饋應答標記和話題轉換（topic transition）標記，但研究結果發現漢語兒童在交談順序結構中只使用「好」作為表知曉的反饋應答標記；在語意結構只用「對」作為話題轉換標記。研究結果顯示五歲漢語兒童在與同儕互動時，已能夠使用反饋標記「好」表現參與對方話題的意願，而他們不使用「對」則可能與「對」作為反饋應答標記時的用法和應答詞（backchannels）相似有關。根據先前研究指出應答詞屬於兒童較晚才習得的溝通技巧（Hess & Johnston, 1988）。此外，五歲漢語兒童亦展現出使用話題轉換標記「對」的能力，顯示他們已知道如何使用言談標記幫助建構言談連貫性（discourse coherence）；而他們選擇使用「對」而非「好」來轉換話題，則可能與「好」的此項功能所隱含的發話者權威性有關（Chen & Liu, 2009），若使用這類帶有發話者權威的言談標記，則可能損害其與同儕間的關係。本研究因而推論漢語兒童在同儕互動中言談標記「好」和「對」各種功能的使用，不僅僅顯示出他們的溝通技巧，同時也反映了同儕互動的特性。 / The thesis aims to investigate Mandarin-speaking children’s use of two frequently appearing discourse markers, hao ‘okay’ and dui ‘right’, when interacting with peers in order to examine how their use of these markers may reflect their communicative skills and the characteristics of peer relation. The data included 237 minutes of 5-year-old Mandarin children’s conversations with friends while playing. Schiffrin’s (1987) model of discourse structures, which includes the exchange structure, the action structure, the ideational structures, the participation frameworks, and the information state, was used for the analysis. The results showed that Mandarin-speaking children used hao in the information state, the exchange structure and the action structure while dui in the information state, the exchange structure and the ideational structure. The functions of hao and dui in the present data demonstrated several similarities and differences. Both markers were used by the children in the exchange structure to show the speaker’s agreement. However, only hao functioned as an acknowledgement marker to indicate the receipt of information in the exchange structure while only dui marking topic transitions in the ideational structure, even though both markers can serve these two functions in adult conversation. Mandarin-speaking children’s use of hao and dui to express agreements, which indicates their collaborative stances, may help them establish alliances with each other (Wang et al., 2010). Moreover, Mandarin-speaking children at age five demonstrated their ability to use hao as an acknowledgement marker to show their intention to participate in their peer’s current talk. In addition, that only hao but not dui served as an acknowledgement marker may result from the similarity between the acknowledging function of dui and that of backchannels, which has been considered among the last acquired communicative skills (Hess & Johnston, 1988). Furthermore, Mandarin 5-year-old children had the ability to use dui as a topic transition marker to establish discourse coherence. Meanwhile, that dui, instead of hao, was chosen by the children as a transition marker may reflect the relatively equal relations between peers, since hao is usually used by a speaker with higher status to control the topics in adult conversation (Chen & Liu, 2009). It is concluded that Mandarin children’s use of the two markers not only demonstrates their communicative skills but also reflects the particular nature of peer interaction.

本文主要探討台灣電視新聞的言談結構(discourse structure)，以及標示各單位的言談標記(discourse marker)。本研究分析25則電視新聞，文類限定於社會新聞。首先，在結構上，每一則新聞包含兩大結構︰導語(news kernel)以及旁白與影片(news body)。兩大結構又可細分為七個較小的單位，分別為︰開場白 (opening)、摘要 (abstract of the news)、事件現場畫面 (event scene presentation)、主要新聞事件 (main news events)、後續發展 (follow-up)、評語 (evaluation)、結尾 (routine ending)。而這七個單位還可再細分為更小的單位。此外，本文所探討的言談標記可分為五類︰1. 指涉詞 (referential forms) 2. 連詞 (connectives) 3. 地方副詞 (locative phrase) 4. 話題轉換填充詞 (topic shift fillers) 5. 畫面轉換 (shot shift)。是故，本文研究重點有二︰1.將新聞結構分為三個階層—Level 1、Level 2、Level 3，並探討出現於不同階層的言談標記在類型與數量上是否反映出階層 (hierarchy)？ 2. 標示各個結構的言談標記為何？ 研究結果指出︰1. 三個階層的言談標記在類型上除了Level 1固定有畫面轉換之外，其餘兩個階層皆無固定的言談標記。另外，在數量上僅Level 1可同時出現多個言談標記，Level 2與Level 3在數量上並無差異，顯示出電視新聞為口說語(spoken language)的一種，訊息與訊息之間的連結性比表現出文體結構階層性更為重要 2. 標示各單位的言談標記並無一致性。受到各單位特性影響，言談標記呈現不同的分佈。 / The present study examines twenty five pieces of broadcast news about crimes and damages in Taiwan. The purpose is to examine the relationship between the discourse structures and their corresponding markers. The discourse structure of a piece of broadcast news is divided into seven components and they are categorized into three levels. Level 1 includes news kernel and news body. Level 2 includes abstract in news kernel, main news events, follow-ups, evaluation, and routine ending in news body. Level 3 contains the smaller units in the Level 2 units. The boundary markers to be examined are divided into four categories: topic shift filler, referential forms, connectives, and shot shift. The present study has two major findings. First, the amounts of markers only show significant difference in Level 1. Down to Level 2 and Level 3, linearity overrides hierarchy. Second, the types of markers are decided by the nature of each unit. The opening is always marked by shot shift and speaker shift plus topic shift fillers/temporals/additives. The abstract section is marked by locative phrase plus referential forms. The event scene presentation section is marked by shot shift and speaker shift plus referential forms. The main news events section is marked by shot shift plus temporals which signal the exact time. Then, the follow-up section is marked by shot shift plus referential forms/connectives. The evaluation section is marked by shot shift plus referential forms. The routine ending section is marked by a relatively longer pause.