1988年，美國於「綜合貿易暨競爭力法」中，正式納入保護智慧財產權的「特別三○一」條款；並且在隔年第一次公布「特別三○一」條款年度檢討名單。另一方面，美國貿易代表署從1991年起，就和中國展開智慧財產權方面的雙邊談判，直至2000年美國國會通過給予中國「永久正常貿易關係」地位，中美之間的智慧財產權談判才由雙邊轉為多邊談判。這段談判期間內，中美之間雖然屢次談判破裂，相互揚言貿易報復與反貿易報復，但是最後都能夠順利地化解爭執，簽下協議。為什麼中美之間的這些談判，總是能夠在貿易報復與反貿易報復生效日期的前後一刻達成共識，然後簽下協議呢？中美兩國各自的談判原則是什麼？談判策略又是什麼？影響中國和美國談判策略的有哪些因素呢？ 本文的核心論述將討論以下幾個問題：（一）中國和美國之間，從1989至2000年連續性的智慧財產權談判，是否出現重覆性的模式。（二）中國和美國每次談判所採取的策略。（三）影響中國和美國談判策略的因素。這些因素除了單獨對談判結果影響，是否會彼此交叉影響。筆者並運用蒲特南（Putnam）的雙層賽局，分析自1989年至2000年，中國與美國之間，關於智慧財產權的談判策略。

過去十年來，人們體認到任何單一事件可能改變一個國家、一個區域，或全世界的政治情況。以歐盟而言，2014年歐洲議會的選舉就是一個很好的例子，許多研究者稱之為政治地震，這個事件可能促使對於「疑歐運動」脫離歐洲統合過程的陰影產生威脅，歐洲會議所呈現的疑歐論調可能被視為是歐盟末日的開端，或僅只是信任的暫時危機。 本研究試圖分析自歐盟成立以來造成疑歐論興起的各項因素。再者本論文也包含2014年歐洲議會選舉對歐洲穩定和各國政治情況的影響，最後作者應用雙層賽局理論尋求疑歐論興起的適當方法，以及歐洲分化的可能問題。很多觀察者宣稱疑歐論團體 對歐洲的統合沒有造成任何威脅，作者建議疑歐論在最近期應被視為主要的問題，歐盟應有效地回應。 藉著解答這三個研究問題，作者建議進一步了解大多數疑歐政治團體所擁有的動力，此外基於雙層賽局理論和折衝的角色，結論亦包含於處理疑歐論的可能意涵。 / In the past decade, people have witnessed that one single event may alter the political situation of a single country, region or even the whole world. In case of the EU, the 2014 European parliamentary election was one of them. Referred to by many researchers as a “political earthquake,” this event made it possible for the euroscepetic movement to emerge from the shadows and pose a threat to the European integration process. The presence of euroscepticism in the European Parliament may be seen as the beginning of the end of the EU or perhaps just a temporary crisis of trust. This study seeks to analyze the factors that contributed to the rise of euroscepticism since the beginning of the EU. Moreover, the impact of the 2014 European parliamentary election on European stability and the domestic political situation is also included in this paper. Finally, the author applies two-level games theory to find a proper solution to the rise of euroscepticism and the problem of potential European disintegration. Many observers claim that eurosceptic parties do not pose a threat to European integration. I suggest that euroscepticism should be recognized as one of the main problems to which the EU must respond effectively in the near future. By answering three research questions, the author gives further insight into the power gained by most of the eurosceptic political parties. Furthermore, based on the two-level games theory and the role of negotiations, the possible implications in dealing with euroscepticism are included in this paper.

國際貿易會決定國內不同行為者的利益分配，促使國內產生主張自由貿易與支持保護主義的陣營，進而影響貿易政策的制訂。本論文以紡織品貿易為主題，首先闡述保護主義為何在貿易自由化浪潮中，依舊能夠貫穿20世紀後半葉的紡織品貿易，卻又在1990年代末期開始式微；其次，本論文分析當全球紡織品貿易於2005年全面取消配額之後，中國紡織品的大量出口，如何引發進口國內部保護主義勢力的反撲，令歐盟和美國先後和中國重新展開紡織品配額談判。最後，本論文分析歐、美境內自由貿易與保護主義兩個陣營，如何影響和中國的談判結果，並藉此比較具有不同制度的經濟體，如何回應國際經濟秩序的變化。 本文援引Robert Putnam所提出的「雙層賽局」分析架構，並進一步討論國內制度如何國際談判產生影響。經研究後發現，歐盟和美國內部的政治聯盟是影響談判結果的重要因素。這兩起談判雖然都源於本國紡織業者在受到中國紡織品的強力挑戰之後，進而要求政府必須出面解決這個問題，但是，由於歐盟和美國內部政治制度設計的不同，讓不同陣營有不同的施力空間，最後使得兩起談判結果有所差異。在歐盟方面，紡織產業和進口商之間的衝突，透過歐盟尊重多元的政治制度設計而有了旗鼓相當的局勢，因此歐盟執委會出面和中國談判之前，必須兼顧這兩個陣營的利益，令歐盟和中國的談判結果較有利於中國紡織品出口。但是在美國方面，儘管進口商和紡織業者之間的利益也是有所衝突，不過紡織業者最後透過政治運作而佔了上風，加上美國政府也希望藉由限制中國紡織品來降低對中國的貿易逆差，使得中美談判的結果對中國較為嚴格，具有濃厚的保護主義色彩。 / International trade distributes various interests to actors, who then form two camps supporting free trade and protectionism, respectively. Both two camps also influence the decision-making of trade policy. This thesis focuses on textile trade and analyzes why protectionism could prevail in the textile trade during the second half of 20th century, and why it declined in the end of 1990s. Second, this thesis analyzes how China’s considerable textile exports after 2005 incur resistances of protectionists in the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). Those protectionists request their government to negotiate with China on textile products. However, those requests attract the counterpunches from supporters of free trade. By rendering the “Two-level Game Theory”, this thesis discovers that the domestic coalitions in the EU and the US significantly determine the results of negotiations. Although both negotiations result from powerful challenges of Chinese textile products, the EU and the US have their own institutional designs and then take different responses. In the EU, conflicts between textile industry and textile importers are of approximately equal strength. The European Commission has to hold an eclectic position between the supporters of free trade and protectionists. As a result, the results of EU-Sino negotiation favor China’s textile export to the European market. On the other hand, even though there are conflicts between textile producers and importers, producers get the upper hand by lobbying politicians. In addition, because the US government also intends to reduce the US’ tremendous trade deficit with China by limiting China’s textile product, the US-Sino textile quota negotiation is much more protectionism-oriented.

本論文主要研究台灣學生本土宣言與香港學生宣言的相似處，且提供了此兩社群跨國界合作的機會。香港與台灣兩地的活動家在西元2014年1月13日正式接洽。香港及台灣泛民主團體的學生與政治家在台北舉行為期一周的會談，標誌著倡議民主的雙方首次接觸。 本次爭議以地方來說，主要是反對當地政府，以國際來講，則是反對中華人民共和國。此活動有利於民主、自決與身分認同。因此，兩次社會運動與兩方社群推行相似的目標及面對共同的敵人。會談後，雙方新階段的合作展現於台灣「太陽花學運」和香港「讓愛與和平佔領中環活動」。世界正在目睹跨國家社會運動間，為了加強其宣言力量而興起的趨勢。 本研究論點是基於社會運動影響理論，隨機在羅伯特·普特曼雙層賽局理論中，採用了道格·麥克亞當的集體行動間動態交互模型。該理論框架指出，一個國家的社會運動（香港或台灣）可以作為另一個社會的參考，尋求由地方政府創造「國際機會」（如：反對地方政策或一個國家：中華人民共和國）。這種情況已經出現於2014年9月28日，在香港突然出現的抗議活動。而且，幾乎立刻，近4000人聚集在台北的自由廣場以表支持。這樣一大群人，他們大多數為學生，在如此短的時間內聚集，此現象提供了本論文研究基礎，探討是否此情緒也在台灣學生中蔓延。 / The present thesis argues that the resemblance found between Taiwanese students in their local claims and those of Hong Kong students, has provided an opportunity for both societies to start collaborating at a transnational level. The first formal approach between Hong Kong and Taiwan activists came in January 13, 2014. Pro-democracy groups of students and politicians from Hong Kong and Taiwan gathered in Taipei for a weekend of talks. This marked the first real approach between both democratic advocates. Locally the struggle was directed at the governments and internationally against the PRC. The objectives of these movements favor democracy, identity and self-determination. Therefore, both social movements and societies push for similar objectives and share a common foe. After the meeting a new level of cooperation was reached between the two sides that was shown during the Sunflower movement in Taiwan and the Occupy the Central with Love and Peace OCLP in Hong Kong. The world is witnessing the dawn of a cross-national approach between social movements that seek to strengthen the force of their claims. The argument of the present study is based on the Social Movements Impact theory, using Professor’s Doug McAdam’s dynamic interactive model of a collective action, in a Robert Putman’s "Two Level-game" case of opportunity. This theoretical framework suggests that a social movement of one country (Hong Kong or Taiwan) can be used as a reference the society of another to renew the “international opportunity” (rejection of a local policy or a country: PRC) created by the local government. This case was seen on the on September 28, 2014 when abruptly emerged the protests in Hong Kong and, almost immediately, near four thousand people gathered at Taipei’s Liberty Square to show their support. The fact that such a large group of people, most of them students, gathered in so short period of time, provides the ground for the present study to explore if the sentiment is spread in the Taiwanese student community.