The purpose of this thesis is to conceptualize the idea of a “digital civil society”. During the latest half-century, technological developments in the areas of information and communication have been increasingly ingrained in everyday-life of many people. Not surprisingly, politics have also been affected by these developments. The concept of a global civil society is getting increasingly fashionable, and it is my belief that this global civil society in many ways is related to the technological developments manifested in the digital revolution. From this point of departure, it is my intent to depict the idea of a digital civil society within a conceptual framework substantiated by a number of cases of collective action where the use of information and communication technologies (ICT) has been instrumental. By doing this, my intention is to see if, and how, the ICT revolution is altering civil society organization, mobilization, advocacy and action. The essay has five parts. First, there is a brief introduction of the subject where the main research issues are put forward. The second part describes the methodology and defines the central concepts; global civil society, globalization and the ICT revolution. This framework, elaborated more thoroughly in part three, will serve as both goal and means for the research as it constitutes the research method as well as a potential basis for further research in the area. In part four, a number of cases of civil society collective action are portrayed and analyzed in connection to the conceptual framework. In some of these cases, ICT is used as a way to support and supplement more traditional “offline” collective action whereas in the second part of this chapter, cases of more pure “online action” are described. With the features and characteristics of these case studies in mind, the aim is to identify tendencies supporting the idea of a possibly emerging digital civil society. In the last chapter, there is a discussion concerning the potential characteristics and outcomes of such a digital civil society. I also present a model describing the logic of the conceptual framework and the processes and concepts which are central to this study. My conclusions are meant to create an environment conducive to further research on the subjects I have studied. First, it appears as if the logic of “networking” as power structure within civil society is favourable for organization, participation, communication, mobilization and action. As such, the networked, dynamic and horizontal character of the Internet seems to influence the organizational character of many civil society entities. Secondly, the Internet’s ability to allow for many-to-many communication seems to contribute to a broader and more inclusive way to debate issues of all kinds. Thirdly, ICT in some ways appears to “individualize” collective action, a development possibly related to the individual and isolating character of Internet use itself and the relative anonymity which can be enjoyed online. In sum, these findings suggest that the idea of a digital civil society broadens the base of collective action and, to some extent, reduces the costs of participation.

No description available.

Cette thèse analyse les formes et les conditions de l’action collective dans des contextes contraignants à partir des mobilisations de la jeunesse en faveur et contre l’ordre politique établi en Russie et en Biélorussie dans les années 2000. En confrontant mouvements contestataires et organisations loyales au pouvoir et en les analysant dans leurs rapports asymétriques à l’État, ce travail saisit l’émergence de ces structures à la faveur des « révolutions de couleurs » et des évolutions internes aux deux pays. Il distingue trois formes de militantisme : militantisme contestataire à conflit frontal avec le pouvoir, militantisme du pouvoir en Biélorussie vécu sur le mode consensuel du souci des autres (zabota) et, enfin, militantisme du pouvoir en Russie qui associe conflictualité et zabota dans le cadre du conflit « négocié ». Conflit et zabota déterminent ensuite le rapport des jeunes au politique et leurs projets de société, leur attitude à la rue, leurs formes d’action et leurs logiques d’engagement. Cette recherche met aussi en évidence l’action des organisations qui mobilisent la jeunesse, tout en entretenant des relations consensuelles avec le pouvoir et envisageant leur action dans la continuité de l’État, mais qui promeuvent la loyauté politique parmi les jeunes à travers la mobilisation politique dans la rue en Russie et l’encadrement social en Biélorussie. Ce travail appréhende enfin les effets des contextes contraignants tant sur les jeunes contestataires, qui sont obligés d’adapter leurs modes de structuration, leurs répertoires d’action ainsi qu’à se socialiser à la répression, que sur les militants du pouvoir, qui doivent s’adapter aux objectifs des autorités. / This research endeavors to analyze forms and conditions of the collective action in constraining contexts on the example of youth mobilization in favor or against the government in Russia and Belarus throughout 2000’s. By confronting protest movements and loyal organizations and by analyzing them in their asymmetric relations with the State, this dissertation shows how those structures emerge following the “color revolutions” and internal political events. It also makes a distinction between three forms of youth activism: protest activism that is based on a frontal conflict with authorities, “power” activism in Belarus that is experienced in a consensual way of caring about others (zabota) and, finally, “power” activism in Russia that associates conflict with zabota in the frame of what we called a “negotiated conflict”. Conflict and zabota determine then the youth’ relations to the politics, their societal projects, their forms of action and individual logics of engagement. This research highlights also the existence of organizations that mobilize the youth, while maintaining consensual relations with the government and conceiving their action in continuity with the State, but that promote political loyalty among the young through their mobilization in the streets in Russia and social supervision and support to them in Belarus. Finally, this research apprehends effects of constraining contexts both on young protestors, who have to adapt their structuration modes, their repertoires of action and to socialize their members to the repression, and on “power” activists who have to adjust to new objectives set by the government.

Depuis le milieu des années 2000, le champ lexical du discours public de défense et de légitimation du pastoralisme pyrénéen s’est enrichi de notions « empruntées » aux sciences économiques et aux arènes de discussion internationales. Le pastoralisme est depuis lors qualifié de producteur « d’externalités » par certains agents de développement pastoral et représentants de la profession agricole. Le cœur de ce travail de recherche-action est d’interroger l’irruption de ce nouveau paradigme à une échelle locale, en analysant la manière dont les usagers de l’espace montagnard eux-mêmes appréhendent les effets multiples du pastoralisme sur leurs espaces de pratiques. Malgré son utilité potentielle pour la justification d’une action publique dirigée spécifiquement vers l’activité pastorale, l’utilisation de la notion d’externalités en tant que catégorie analytique ne permet pas d’appréhender la réalité des rapports entre la multiplicité d’acteurs investis dans l’utilisation et dans la gouvernance des estives pyrénéennes. En revanche, le recours à une approche relationnelle des effets du pastoralisme permet de reconnecter ces phénomènes à leur contexte spatial, social et temporel d’émergence, mais aussi de faire apparaître la place des acteurs et des organisations locales dans la régulation de la coprésence et des nouvelles proximités. A l’échelle locale, l’étude des effets multiples du pastoralisme renvoie ainsi aux thématiques du multi-usage de l’espace montagnard et à l’action collective des acteurs divers impliqués dans sa gestion et dans son utilisation. La capitalisation et l’interprétation des modalités de gestion collective innovantes des estives ainsi que le transfert des connaissances fondamentales et méthodologiques peuvent alors inciter les acteurs du développement à une prise en compte plus intégrée de l’élargissement et de la complexification de l’espace social constitué par les estives pyrénéennes. / Since the early 2000’s, the political discourse about defense and legitimization of pastoralism has contained economical terms. Some agriculture representatives and development agents qualify pastoralism as an « externalities producer ». This action-research aims at questioning the appearance of this new paradigm on the local scale by studying the manner by which mountain space users themselves consider the multiple effects of pastoralism on their spaces and practices. Despite their potential utility to justify a specific public action directed to pastoral activity, “externalities” used as an analytical category don’t allow to understand the links between the multiple stakeholders invested in pastures utilization and governance. On the other hand, relational approach of pastoralism multiple effects enables to reconnect these phenomena to their spatial, social and temporal context of emergence. This theoretical approach also reveals the position of local stakeholders and organizations in the proximity regulation. Studying pastoralism multiple effects on the local scale refers to multiple-use of mountain areas and to collective action of those who use and manage Pyrenean pastures. Capitalization and interpretation of innovative forms of governance, but also transfer of scientific and methodological knowledge can lead development agents to a better consideration of the enlargement and the complexification of the social space constituted by Pyrenean pastures.

Magister Commercii - MCom / A major challenge facing the South African wine industry has been the economic repositioning of the sector, which since 1994 has moved away from a highly regulated domestic environment. The increasing integration of the local industry into international markets and global value chains has been accompanied by the industry’s deregulation and restructuring. From the production focus on a limited range of low value-added varieties produced for domestic tastes and to meet monopoly quotas, producers have shifted to planting noble cultivars suited to various international tastes. Despite the lack of growth in traditional Western European markets, new world producers like South Africa have successfully competed and secured new market share. The Western Cape ine industry is ranked as the second-largest contributor to the Western Cape economy. The thesis explores the effect of cluster governance and the coordination of strategic collective actions on the Western Cape wine cluster’s competitiveness. The data has been gathered through a combination of documentary analysis and interviews conducted with the leadership and/or management of various industry organisations. A qualitative approach has been adopted in the data analysis and interpretation of the findings, with information gathered via a combination of documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews with key representatives of established industry bodies and key role-players in the Western Cape wine cluster. / South Africa

Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA(DVS) / A number of programmes have been implemented in the field of development communication, with the specific aim of promoting social change among communities, and a series of studies have illustrated the positive effects of entertainment-education (EE) interventions on individuals’ behavioural change. These programmes can be applied in a variety of fields, including health, agriculture and sustainable development, and make use of a different range of media such as radio, television and theatre. In line with the theory and conceptual framework of the Integrated Model of Communication for Social Change (IMCSC), this research is intended to explore, empirically, how development communication programmes can foster collective action amongst community members. The research is based on a case study of Sesotho Media & Development (SM&D), a nongovernmental organisation that has been operating in Lesotho, using media to promote social transformation and individual change. For the past 10 years, SM&D has been working in Lesotho using a methodology based on facilitated documentary screening with a specific focus on HIV/Aids-related issues, combined with capacity building programmes aimed at training facilitators among support groups, youth groups and prison inmates around the country. Both quantitative and qualitative research methods of enquiry were employed throughout the research. Common research tools used include questionnaires, semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions and observation. In addition, a variety of secondary sources of information, including evaluation reports, funding proposals and journal articles were reviewed. The results of the study reveal that development communication initiatives are able to foster collective forms of action by increasing the level of efficacy amongst the audience. Conclusions highlight that participatory development communication with an educational aim allows people to identify problems and to strategise and mobilise resources for collective action.

Dans le conflit colombien, qui a fait naître différentes formes de solidarités et a suscité l’intervention de nombreux acteurs internationaux, les paysans que nous avons rencontrés ne se contentent pas d’attendre une solidarité venue d’ailleurs. Réunis en collectifs, ces acteurs locaux cherchent à défendre leur territoire et à proposer d’autres formes de développement. C’est la rencontre entre ces organisations paysannes et différents acteurs de la solidarité internationale qui est au coeur de cette thèse. Pour mieux comprendre comment les paysans construisent ces solidarités, nous proposons de croiser sociologie des mobilisations et sociologie de la solidarité internationale. À partir d’une comparaison et d’un terrain au plus près de deux organisations paysannes, nous postulons que cette solidarité est le résultat de construits sociaux et le produit de rencontres entre acteurs internationaux et locaux à des moments particuliers. Nous analysons ainsi la manière dont les paysans conçoivent et définissent ces relations avec des interlocuteurs internationaux, et comment ils tentent de faire valoir leurs revendications. Les leaders paysans se (ré)-approprient en effet des causes dites« globales », les transforment et adaptent leurs savoirs pour se mobiliser tant aux niveaux local et international que, de manière incontournable, au niveau national.L’internationalisation de leur cause n’apparaît ainsi pas comme une fin en soi pour ces acteurs locaux, mais comme une manière de redéfinir leur place en Colombie. / In the Colombian conflict, which generated various forms of solidarities and led to the intervention of many international actors, the peasants that we met do not simply wait for outside solidarity. These local actors are organised into community groups inorder to defend their territory and to propose other forms of development. This encounter between peasant organisations and various international solidarity actors is atthe core of this work. In order to better understand how they built these solidarities, we propose to combine the sociology of social movements and the sociology of international solidarity. Based on a comparison and a fieldwork carried out as close as possible between two peasant organisations, we stress on the fact that this solidarity is the result of social constructs and the product of encounters between international actors and locals at particular times. We will therefore analyse the way in which peasants apprehend and define these relationships with international representatives as well ashow they try to make their case. Indeed, peasant leaders (re)claim so-called “global”causes, transform them and adapt their knowledge with the aim of mobilising at the localand international levels; this applies also – and indeed in particular – to the national level. For these local actors, the internationalisation of their cause thus does not appearas an end in itself but as a way to redefine their place in Colombia. / Durante el conflicto colombiano, que suscitó diferentes formas de solidaridad y la intervención de numerosos actores internacionales, los campesinos afectados no se complacen con esperar la solidaridad que viene de afuera. En tanto que actores locales se organizan en colectivos para defender su territorio y proponer otras formas de desarrollo. Este encuentro, entre organizaciones campesinas y actores de la solidaridad internacional constituye el centro de esta tesis. Proponemos conjugar la sociología de las movilizaciones con la sociología de la solidaridad internacional para entender mejor cómo los campesinos construyen dichas relaciones de solidaridad. A partir de una comparación y de un estudio de campo con dos organizaciones campesinas, suponemos que la solidaridad es una construcción social producto de encuentros entre actores Internacionales y locales en momentos específicos. De esta forma, analizaremos la manera como los campesinos conciben y definen las relaciones con interlocutores internacionales, y como intentan hacer valer sus reivindicaciones. En efecto, los líderes campesinos se (re)apropian las denominadas causas « globales », las transforman, y luego adaptan sus saberes para movilizarse tanto a nivel local como internacional, e imprescindiblemente a nivel nacional. Así, la internacionalización de su causa no aparece como un fin para los actores locales, sino como una manera de redefinir su lugaren Colombia.

La projection de la grève dans l’ordre international permet d’apprécier la richesse et la diversité de l’expression collective des travailleurs. Son développement à l’échelle internationale a généré une mise en concurrence accrue des différents droits nationaux. L’absence d’une réglementation matérielle traduit la difficulté juridique de maîtriser la notion et engendre un important conflit de lois et de juridictions. La nécessité de l’adoption de règles de conflit déterminant la loi et le juge compétent est donc devenue indispensable afin d’apporter une réponse à cette problématique conflictuelle. Le caractère de droit fondamental de la grève requiert cependant de faire l’objet d’une protection particulière lorsque sa valeur est remise en cause par une loi étrangère désignée par la règle de conflit. A ce titre l’exception d’ordre public classique permet d’évincer utilement la loi étrangère contraire à l’ordre public du for. L’exigence de la présence de liens de rattachement pertinents avec l’ordre juridique du for et d’un certain degré de gravité de la violation alléguée au droit fondamental de grève du for garantissent une intervention pondérée de l’exception d’ordre public. Elle constitue ainsi un moyen efficace de protéger le droit de grève tout en restant un mécanisme dont l’intervention reste exceptionnelle. / The development of the strike in the international order can appreciate richness and diversity of the collective expression of workers, it also increased competition from different national laws. The absence of a regulation reflects the difficulty of controlling the legal concept and it creates a conflict of laws and courts. The need for the adoption of rules of conflict, which determines the law and the competent court, has therefore become necessary to provide an answer to this conflict problem. The character of the fundamental right to strike, however, requires to be special protection when its value is questioned by an authority designated by the conflict rule foreign law. As such, the conventional public policy exception allows oust usefully foreign law contrary to public policy. The requirement of the presence of links relevant connecting with the legal order and a certain degree of gravity of the alleged violation of the fundamental right to strike ensures a weighted intervention public policy exception. It constitutes an effective means of protecting the right to strike while remaining a mechanism whose intervention is exceptional.

Marine Areas for Responsible Artisanal Fishing (AMPR) have emerged as a new model for co-managing small-scale fisheries in Costa Rica, one that involves collaboration between fishers, government agencies and NGOs. This thesis aims to examine the context for collective action and co-management by small-scale fishers; evaluate the design, implementation, and enforcement of AMPRs; and conduct a linguistic analysis of fisheries legislation. The present work relies on the analysis of several types of qualitative data, including interviews with 23 key informants, rapid rural assessments, and legal documents. Findings demonstrate the strong influence of economic factors for sustaining collective action, as well as the importance of certain types of external organizations for community development and co-management. Additionally, significant enforcement gaps and institutional deficiencies were identified in the work of regulating agencies. Legal analysis suggests that mechanisms for government accountability are unavailable and that legal discourse reflects some of the most salient problems in management.

Partnerships between government and community-based actors and organizations are considered the hallmark of contemporary governance arrangements for the revitalization and gentrification of economically distressed, inner city areas. This dissertation uses historical, narrative analysis and ethnographic methods to examine the formation, evolution and operation of community-based governance partnerships in the production of gentrifable urban space in the Wynwood neighborhood of Miami, FL between 1970 and 2010. This research is based on more than four years of participant observation, 60 in-depth interviews with respondents recruited through a purposive snowball sample, review of secondary and archival sources, and descriptive, statistical and GIS analysis. This study examines how different organizations formed in the neighborhood since the 1970s have facilitated the recent gentrification of Wynwood. It reveals specifically how partnerships between neighborhood-based government agencies, nonprofit organizations and real estate developers were constructed to be exclusionary and lead to inequitable economic development outcomes for Wynwood residents. The key factors conditioning these inequalities include both the rationalities of action of the organizations involved and the historical contexts in which their leaders’ thinking and actions were shaped. The historical contexts included the ethnic politics of organizational funding in the 1970s and the “entrepreneurial” turn of community-based economic development and Miami urban politics since the 1980s. Over time neighborhood organizations adopted highly pragmatic rationalities and repertoires of action. By the 2000s when Wynwood experienced unprecedented investment and redevelopment, the pragmatism of community-based organizations led them to become junior partners in governance arrangements and neighborhood activists were unable to directly challenge the inequitable processes and outcomes of gentrification.