This thesis is an attempt to reconsider and clarify some of the issues the application of the term 'moral panic' to popular and media concerns. In particular the work raises grave doubts about the ways in which this term has been used by academics and the structure of assumptions around the relationship between the press, moral panics, and the public that traditional models assume. The work is also an empirical study of the forms of representation assumed in the presentation of the internet as a new technology by journalists over the period 1995-2000 and hence reflects upon the media as both subject and object of enquiry. The investigation covers a broad range of data collected from British broadsheet newspapers over the period under scrutiny and uses a qualitative approach to analysing the themes which emerged from these discussions, and the institutional situations against the background of which these types of discourse can be situated. The work takes a critical approach to the idea that such concerns can be adequately explained by models of moral panic popularised by theorists working within mainstream cultural studies models, arguing instead that moral panics must be disinterred from these discourses and reconsidered in light evidence concerning the functions and activities of modem media.

This project examines the extent to which the socia-cultural, political and economic environments In two new democracies (Ghana and Nigeria) influence conceptualization of media freedom in these countries. It also examines the degree to which the norm of media freedom is applicable in each country. The research strives .for triangulation. A total of thirty one elite interviews with relevant media practitioners, policymakers, and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) were conducted alongside analysis of documents in the media environments in both countries. Using the Walt and Gilson ( 1994) framework of policy analysis, the normative issues that surround policymaking and implementation in regard to media freedom were explored. From the study, it was established that the political and socio-cultural antecedents, and the economic situations in these countries determine how media freedom is conceptualized. Policy formulation, implementation, and the realization of policy goals are also greatly influenced by the local context of each country. It w~ also discovered that media reform initiatives embarked on in these new democracies were influenced by the Western ideology of media freedom imposed on them by donor countries, the Bretton Woods Institutions (International Monetary Fund {IMF} and World Bank), and international organisations like the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) in form of loans and media assistance. However, this Western ideology failed to recognise the unique complex political, economic, and socio-cultural factors of both countries, thus affecting the praxis of such policies, as the ideologies of the policies are different from the realities in the media environment. This has hindered the attainment of policy goals and objectives. Therefore, this study attempts to re-theorize the concept of media freedom in Ghana and Nigeria which are characterized by unique political, cultural and economic imbalances. My conclusion will discuss how the lessons learnt from both countries can be applied in other new democracies in the region.

The news media and the political public relations industry are linked in numerous ways and any change in their relationship has many repercussions, not just for those in the political news industry, but for society and democracy in the UK as a whole. Neither political PRs nor journalists can function effectively without the other and each relies upon the other to enhance their importance. They are both powerful groups but without the other their power is impaired and their ability to succeed is significantly reduced. The extent of this relationship on public life and society in the UK means that an analysis of these relationships is essential to understand just who the political gatekeeper is in the early 21st century. This thesis utilises interviews with professional practitioners in the political news industry to investigate the role of political journalists within the news media and the role of political PRs in the political public relations industry. It then establishes the extent and nature of the relationship between these two groups. The implications of this relationship are then analysed to determine whether it is possible for the news media to facilitate their role in democratic life in the UK. The thesis concludes that, as a result of all the changes in the news media and the dramatic growth in size and power of the political public relations industry, there is no longer a single political gatekeeper and that in fact political PRs and journalists conduct a collusive conflictual relationship. It presents a situation where not only are journalists hindered in carrying out the news media's democratic obligations but the news media is, as a whole, no longer able to effectively defend their obligations and journalists are failing in their role as a watchdog.

Revamping journalism in the midst of a conflict is a research into the world of conflict local journalists’ praxis and rationale reporting on ‘their’ war. By using Colombia as a case study—the oldest conflict in Latin America, interwoven with drug trafficking, guerrillas and paramilitary groups—this project examines six dimensions of journalism: historical context, censorship as a barrier to providing balanced news, war journalist education, professional ethos, the hierarchy of reporters, and the construction of a concept of ‘responsible’ journalism that answers their informational, societal and professional needs. Academic discussions of journalism and war have centred on international correspondents—from the ‘West’—and international wars; however, there is little ethnographic research on professional practices of local journalists covering war or conflict, particularly from the Global South. Therein lies one of the challenges of this study: to observe and closely examine these dynamics and to offer a new analysis of unseen reporters from the periphery, helping to decentralise journalism studies. In a country with political unrest and a violent conflict, such as Colombia, reporting on the conflict is a difficult task, above all for local reporters and journalists. The importance of this case study is that it allows us to analyse a phenomenon with unique characteristics that questions traditional concepts of war reporting, thus allowing us to understand journalists’ professionalism as they work to improve their practise, as agreed upon in their ‘interpretative communities’ and professional conflict-specialised guilds. This understanding sheds light onto the important role they play in society in the midst of war. The research concludes with a broader discussion of the role of the journalist in conflicts, focusing on the Global South and countries with weak democratic states and particularly on journalists covering conflict in their own countries. By addressing the flaws, limitations and successful constructions of journalism in conflict, we can develop tools to be used in any context of intricate war and weak democracy.

Existing theoretical literature on new media predominantly focuses upon political issues. Whilst this is merited it is at the expense of ethical theoretical understandings of the social milieu we inhabit. As our environment becomes suffused with new media and is in turn shaped by them we require contributions that would seek to understand the impact this has on moral responsibility and moral action. The doctoral research collected here is motivated by the idea that ethical theory must be challenged and updated by developments in society lest we lack the resources to understand contemporary moral life. As such, the approach taken is to produce a work of ethical theory that is informed by observation of the empirical conditions of life in a new media age. The case studies explored within are not unknown to existing literature but the ethical significance of them has yet to be sufficiently articulated. So through research into avatar interaction, media events, networked urban spaces, online architectures, and surveillant softwares, I will outline an empirically driven ethical theory of how moral responsibility and moral action operate within online environments and within environments of ubiquitous new media. This involves, at the same time, critically examining these developments in order to present moral problems that existing ethical theories – written without consideration of such technological advances – would omit. This survey of contemporary moral responsibility, of how responsibility is initiated and responded to, represents an original contribution to an understanding of ethics in a new media age.

Two dimensions are cross-applied to discuss the effect of the internet on contemporary journalism. On the one hand, new technologies, including the internet, have influenced journalism as a whole and challenged, to some extent, its pre-existing forms. On the other hand, it is only to be expected that the effect of a new technology is shaped by the economic and political context in which this new technology works. Within these theoretical parameters, this study aims to explore the perceptions of Chinese journalists about their own experience of practice in order to assess the extent to which internet technology has impacted on traditional journalism in the context of China. Qualitative semi-structured interviews are used as the research method in this study to collect data from 25 news media professionals, including those who work for traditional news media and those who work for the online news media. Thematic analysis is used as the approach to analyse the qualitative data generated from the interviews. In preparation, a pilot study was used to test the validity of interview questions and the possible thematic codes before the formal study. The quality of the views provided by Chinese journalists can reveal much about the contemporary practice, role perceptions and values of Chinese journalism which cannot currently be found in literature and official reports. By conducting thematic analysis, the gap between existing journalism theories and Chinese specific context can be complemented by the discussion of the emergent core themes.

This research explores university students’ use of the Internet in order to understand in what ways, if any, Internet use might be considered a contributory factor in the process of democratisation in China. The research topic is situated within broader debates about the extent to which the Internet might ‘democratise’ authoritarian regimes in general and China in particular. China is a country with a long history of authoritarian rule, yet some propose that the process of reform post 1978 demonstrates a gradual transition to a more open and democratically accountable system of government; a process that has arguably intensified since the development of the Internet. However the development and expansion of the Internet since the early 2000s, along with its penetration into Chinese life thereafter, has meant that the Chinese authorities have sought to control the purported liberalising tendencies that Internet technologies bring. Systems of censorship and filtering have been a major component in China’s strategy of managing the impact of the Internet. Principally censorship has been undertaken because of perceived challenges to the legitimacy and authority of the Chinese system of government, a perspective not historically divorced from student activism in China. University students in particular have arguably played an important role in protests and social movements in China. Not only therefore are university students of particular concern to the Chinese authorities, they are also technologically savvy and among the largest group of Internet users in China. Such users are also of course central to China’s future as they fuel economic growth into the twenty first century and will no-doubt contribute to the country’s economic and political stability in the future. In attempting to understand the democratic implications of Internet use amongst university students the research takes a grounded theory approach based upon six face-to-face in-depth interviews, one focus group, search and analysis of web content, and digital auto-ethnography. A total of twelve participants were recruited from three universities in the City of Chongqing, in the southwest of China. This thesis provides an original contribution to our understanding of how Chinese university students view the Internet in relation to politics. It produces a number of original findings that will be of interest to the broader community of scholars researching China’s Internet in particular and scholars who study the influence of ICTs on emergence and consolidation of democracy in general. These findings include how university students disengage from political activities for both practical reasons such as a lack of opportunity, or lack of interest and ideological concerns, for example, a revolutionary view of democratisation that democratisation has to necessarily be a radical, revolutionary process, and that individuals are powerless to bring such a revolution about. It reveals patterns of how different Internet applications are employed by an individual to achieve one goal and how a politically sensitive message travels through different platforms online. More importantly, it discovers that seemingly trivial online exchanges may nevertheless contribute to a changing social and political environment, albeit in ways that interviewees may not themselves describe as ‘democratising’. Provided with certain conditions, online entertainment and political disengagement can be a way to liberate, given its potential to distract individuals from the party-state propaganda, to create a plural ideational climate, and to increase discontent with the current system through facilitating social comparison. Participants’ joining and organising associations at private level online is found to cast influence on the real world and provides opportunities to practice skills of democratic citizenship. Those associations thus function as an emerging civil society.

This thesis explores journalism through its reactions to change. Adopting field theory and approaching journalism as a profession, it explores the ways journalism enforces its self-perceived identity criteria and societal primacy along in-group/out-group divisions. This involves promoting an idealised picture of journalism that also marginalises new media entities that claim belonging, distances the challenge they present, and bars entry to the journalistic field. At the vanguard of this in-group/out-group dynamic is WikiLeaks. WikiLeaks confronts traditional concepts of journalism first by claiming to be journalism, second by adopting its idealised roles, and third by antagonising journalism’s boundaries. While unique in its methods, and iconoclastic in its identity, WikiLeaks serves as a paragon of interloper media in its out-sized claims of journalistic belonging, and its wholly unfamiliar approach. Through discourse analysis of more than 1,200 news texts referring to WikiLeaks and Julian Assange in the Guardian as well as the New York Times, a concept of interloper media is built to define new media entities that claim to be journalism. With further analysis of documentaries, books, lectures, and other media discourses, alongside expert interviews, this thesis introduces interloper media reactions as a unique boundary-building process interwoven in overt and covert discourses of belonging to reinforce journalism’s in-group/out-group construct. In the latter chapters these concepts are developed beyond reactions to WikiLeaks to broaden the interloper category to blogs and new media, and to differentiate interloper media reactions from journalistic boundary maintenance. Finally, in its conclusion, this thesis revisits traditional concepts of journalism to propose a new conceptualisation of journalism through a multi-sphere model. This model takes into account interloper media and their performance of journalism, and puts forward an idea of journalism that reflects modern shifting media dynamics, defining journalism with flexibility and utility for past, current, and future media actors.

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La tesis realiza un análisis del papel de la prensa diaria de la ciudad de Valencia durante la Transición (1976-1982). En concreto, se estudian los periódicos Las Provincias, Levante y Diario de Valencia. La investigación constata el papel central que tuvo el diario Las Provincias –y especialmente su subdirectora, María Consuelo Reyna- durante la Transición en Valencia, en primer lugar como actor que defendió e impulsó la llegada de la democracia desde los años finales del franquismo y, a partir de 1979, como aliado de UCD en la defensa del conocido popularmente como «blaverismo», una forma de entender la identidad valenciana caracterizada por un españolismo de raíz anticatalanista que utilizaba los símbolos (bandera, lengua y denominación del territorio) como eje de su discurso. A partir del análisis del papel de los diarios, se reconstruye el periodo de la transición y se refuta la existencia de la denominada «batalla de Valencia», entendida como enfrentamiento entre los partidarios del «fusterianisme» (defensores de las ideas catalanistas de Joan Fuster) y los «blaveros». Más que un choque entre bloques ideológicos antagónicos, todo se reduce a una confluencia de intereses: los de un partido, UCD, por encontrar un discurso con gancho para su electorado; una figura de prestigio, Manuel Broseta, por hallar un proyecto con el que lanzar su carrera política; y un periódico, Las Provincias, por recuperar su papel tradicional como portavoz de la burguesía valenciana. La ecuación se resuelve con el ingreso de Broseta en UCD y el uso del discurso anticatalanista basado en los símbolos —alentado inicialmente por el aparato franquista— tanto por ese partido como por el diario decano. La consecuencia de esa confluencia de intereses fue un conflicto, sí, pero inducido, creado artificialmente. Hay que precisar que no hay una conspiración o una confabulación entre los actores citados, ni tampoco firmes convicciones ideológicas o identitarias detrás. De esa forma, el discurso de Las Provincias sobre los símbolos que debían identificar a los valencianos fue variando a lo largo de la Transición, hasta llegar a defender, al final de este periodo, posturas opuestas a las que había mantenido en sus inicios. Al defender una visión excluyente de la identidad valenciana (basada en el «blaverismo»), Las Provincias contribuyó a agravar ese conflicto generado de forma artificial. / The doctoral thesis analyzes the role of newspapers in the city of Valencia during the Transition (1976-1982). I focused on the daily newspapers Las Provincias, Levante and Diario de Valencia. In particular, this work highlights the central role played by Las Provincias -and especially by his deputy director, María Consuelo Reyna- during the Transition in Valencia. Initially, the daily defended and promoted the arrival of democracy since the end of dictatorship and then, since 1979, it was an ally of UCD in the defense of the "blaverismo" (as it is popularly known). “Blaverismo” is a way of understanding the Valencian identity characterized by a Spanishness of anti-Catalan roots that used symbols (flag, language and name of territory) as the axis of his discourse. After reconstructing the transition period by discussing the role of newspapers, I conclude that the so-called "battle of Valencia", understood as a clash between supporters of "fusterianisme" (supporters of the Catalanist ideas of Joan Fuster) and “blaveros”, did not exist. More than a clash between opposing ideological blocs, the Transition in Valencia should be interpreted as a confluence of interests: those of a party, UCD, to make appealing his discourse to his electorate; a prestigious public figure, Manuel Broseta, to find a project that launch his political career; and a newspaper, Las Provincias, to regain its traditional role as spokesman for the Valencian bourgeoisie. The consequence of this convergence of interests was a conflict, but artificially created. It should be noted that there was no firm ideological convictions or identities behind. Thus, the discourse of Las Provincias on the symbols that were supposed to identify Valencia was changed during the Transition to endorse, at the end of this period, the opposing position to that which was defended at the beginning.