Orientador : Paulo Sergio Pinheiro / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-14T02:46:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Kornis_MonicaAlmeida_M.pdf: 5909127 bytes, checksum: f9ae554154c8883a88fa3ac5c7546822 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1991 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed. / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

Pierre Elliott Trudeau was an active participant in the decade of social reform and political awakening that preceded the Quiet Revolution in Quebec, and continued to act as a non-partisan social and political critic until his entry into the federal liberal party in 1966. He based his contribution as pamphleteer for various movements of reform on certain basic philosophical principles. These principles can be described as a belief in the absolute value of humanity, the efficacy of reason in human action, and the necessity of moral participation by the individual in the determination of all phases of his existence. Though these principles are not systematically presented, they are discernible and their understanding is essential as a first step in any appreciation of Trudeau. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006. / The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file viewed on (February 5, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.

240f. / Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-06-03T18:27:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF Final Ideias perniciosas do anarquismo- revisão III.pdf: 1899818 bytes, checksum: bbe3b7fba94411693e0995ececc40849 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela(anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-06-04T19:35:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF Final Ideias perniciosas do anarquismo- revisão III.pdf: 1899818 bytes, checksum: bbe3b7fba94411693e0995ececc40849 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-06-04T19:35:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF Final Ideias perniciosas do anarquismo- revisão III.pdf: 1899818 bytes, checksum: bbe3b7fba94411693e0995ececc40849 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / CAPES / Em junho de 1919, os trabalhadores da construção civil de Salvador, reunidos no Sindicato dos Pedreiros, Carpinteiros e Demais Classes (SPCDC), foram os principais responsáveis pela eclosão, consecução e êxito da greve geral que virtualmente paralisou as atividades produtivas da cidade. A partir de então, essa associação incentivou a fundação de diversos sindicatos de resistência e tornou-se vetor de novas greves. Também articulou o Primeiro Congresso de Trabalhadores Baianos (julho de 1919) e colaborou decisivamente na criação da Federação dos Trabalhadores Baianos (FTB), em fevereiro de 1920. Ademais, de seu interior saíram importantes quadros que atuaram na organização do Partido Socialista Baiano (agosto de 1920). Sua atividade contou, ainda, com a publicação de dois jornais operários e com a fundação de uma escola proletária. Considerando a pluralidade das experiências históricas dos mundos do trabalho no Brasil e focalizando as múltiplas práticas e iniciativas sustentadas pelos militantes do SPCDC, procuramos identificar as especificidades e as regularidades presentes no caso baiano em relação a outras experiências. A circulação de ideias e ativistas – socialistas e anarquistas – constitui-se, assim, num importante fator para clarificar a compreensão das manifestações proletárias do período em Salvador. Pois, nutrindo-se de estímulos provenientes de outras regiões do país e do mundo, tais como campanhas, greves e reivindicações, mas baseados também em suas próprias experiências de exploração e sobrevivência, os operários baianos conseguiram auferir vantagens materiais, organizativas e políticas. Para tanto, urdiram laços de solidariedade e identidade classista que possibilitaram afirmarem-se como um ator social e político habilitado na sociedade soteropolitana. In June 1919, the construction workers of Salvador, meeting the Union of Bricklayers, Carpenters and Other Classes (SPCDC), were primarily responsible for the outbreak, achievement and success of the general strike that virtually paralyzed the productive activities of the city. Since then, the association encouraged the founding of several unions became new vector of strikes. Also articulated the First Congress of Workers of Bahia (July 1919) and collaborated decisively in the creation of the Federation of Bahia’s Workers, in February 1920. Moreover, the inside left major individuals that worked in the organization of the Socialist Party (August 1920). Its activity also counted with the publication of two worker’s newspapers and with the founding of a proletarian school. Considering the diversity of historical experiences in the worlds of work focusing on Brazil and the multiple practices and initiatives held by SPCDC’s militants, we sought to identify the specific features and regularities present in the case of Bahia in relation to other experiences. The circulation of ideas and activists - socialists and anarchists - constitutes therefore an important factor to clarify the understanding of the proletarian manifestations of the period in Salvador. For nourishing stimuli from other parts of the country and the world, such as campaigns, strikes and demands, but also based on his own experiences of exploration and survival, Bahia’s workers could earn material advantages, and organizational policies. Therefore, they machinated ties of solidarity and class identity that enabled assert itself as a social and political actor in society of Salvador. / Salvador

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It was Woodrow Wilson who played the dominant role in the Council of Four. With his dedication to the vague, often contradictory Fourteen Points, and with the power of the office of President of the United States supporting him, he determined the very nature of the treaty. Wilson's use, and misuse, of his influence over his colleagues makes him responsible for much of the final form of the Treaty of Versailles.

La intención del presente trabajo es dar una perspectiva diferente al Oncenio de Augusto B. Leguía a través de un estudio centrado en los cuatros elementos políticos mencionados, y brindar un mejor conocimiento de este período. Cabe mencionar que, durante la elaboración de este trabajo de investigación, se pudo observar la similitud que existía con el gobierno del Ing. Alberto Fujimori Fujimori(el Autogolpe del 5 de Abril de 1992,el cierre posterior del Congreso, la elaboración de la Constitución de 1993, sus dos posteriores reelecciones; siendo esta última truncada a través del movimiento liderado por el Dr. Alejandro Toledo Manrique, quien posteriormente sería Presidente de la República, en el período 2001-2006). Ante la presencia de dichas similitudes, surgió la necesidad de sugerirles a los futuros investigadores sociales, que no hay que esconder las etapas negativas de nuestra historia, como en este caso, lo son el Oncenio de Leguía y el gobierno de Fujimori, sino al contrario, hay que analizarlas y mostrarlas a la sociedad, para que se vean los errores que se cometieron, para que no se vuelvan a cometer y la sociedad misma no permitan que sucedan de nuevo. Si la sociedad, en su momento, hubiera tenido conocimiento que, dentro de la Historia Republicana del país, hubo un Golpe de Estado similar al ocurrido en Abril de 1992 por el Presidente Fujimori, entonces el Congreso hubiera tenido el apoyo de la sociedad y, tal vez, no se hubiera repetido lo que ya sucedió. Por ello, es importante que la sociedad conozca su historia, pero no sólo los períodos de prosperidad y bonanza, sino también los de derrota y frustración, para no volver a caer en ellos, con lo cual habremos contribuido a nuestra esencia de ser historiadores, para lograr una sociedad mejor.

Informe de Seminario para optar al grado de Licenciado en Historia / Seminario de grado: Movimientos sociales y política popular en Chile contemporáneo

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