There are very few scholars who have written on Taiwan's mainland policy-making. With all variables and arguments that have been explored in this dissertation, the mainland policy-making in Taiwan is essentially a unique one, and continues to be a heuristic case in the world with regard to the divided-nations and asymmetrical confronting regimes. The hypothesis in this dissertation is that the international and domestic situation fluctuations are the two decisive elements which compel Taipei decision makers increasingly alter their mainland policy (from "three nos" to broad exchanges). Recently the changing political environment in Taiwan and the more realistic views of the new generation of policy makers are challenging these ideological beliefs (three nos policy). In addition, the different decision-making procedure is a contributing factor which affects the mainland policy directly. It is a critical time to give the Taiwan's mainland policy an intensive examination in order to understand how to keep a collective security in the Northeast Asia. While examining the vicissitudes of Taiwan-mainland Chinese relations during the past four decades, three important factors must be taken into account: one is the United States position in China's unification issue; the second is the domestic changes on both sides of the Taiwan Strait; the third, the unification strategy used by the two rival parties. With these three factors in mind, it is easy to understand the entire package of relationship between Beijing and Taipei. The primary focus of this dissertation is to examine the Nationalist mainland policy under the pressure of the "Taiwan issue," since 1950, and also the causes and factors of the "Taiwan democratization" which make the Taipei leaders partially shift their policy toward the mainland Communist.

盧家耀. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院政治及公共行政學部, 1996. / 參考文献 : leaves 183-190. / Lu Jiayao [Lo Ka-yiu]. / 導言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章： --- 統一的目的和意義 --- p.39 / Chapter 第二章： --- 中國大陸對台灣的政策（1979-1995) --- p.39 / Chapter 第三章： --- 台灣對大陸的政策（1979-1995) --- p.62 / Chapter 第四章： --- 台灣民主化對統一的影響 --- p.79 / Chapter 第五章： --- 兩岸經貿發展對統一的影響 --- p.103 / Chapter 第六章： --- 總結：「統一過渡期」的構想 --- p.118 / 附錄一：中國(共)全國人民代表大會常務委員會《告臺灣 同胞書》（葉九條） --- p.134 / 附錄二：中國(共)關於台灣回歸祖國實現和平統一的方針 政策 --- p.136 / 附錄三：中國(共)國務院關於鼓勵台灣同胞投資的規定 --- p.137 / 附錄四：中華民國《國家統一綱領》 --- p.141 / 附錄五：中華民國關於「一個中國」的涵義 --- p.143 / 附錄六：中國(共)國務院政策白皮書：《台灣問題與中國 的統一》 --- p.144 / 附錄七：中華民國對中共「台灣問題與中國的統一」白 皮書的看法-只有「中國問題」，沒有「台灣 問題」 --- p.156 / 附錄八：台海兩岸關係說明書 --- p.161 / 附錄九：中國(共)國家主席江澤民兩岸關係講話全文 (江八點） --- p.175 / 附錄十：李登輝總統於國家統一委員會的講話全文 (李六點） --- p.179 / 表1.1:台灣在大陸及東盟四國的直接投資 --- p.19 / 表4.1:兩黨支持人口分析表 --- p.93 / 表4.2:縣市長選舉各黨得票數、得票率統計表 --- p.93 / 表4.3：立法委員三次選舉各黨派席位分配消長 --- p.94 / 表4.5 ：1996年3月23日台灣總統選舉結果 --- p.94 / 表5.1:台灣與部分亞太地區、地價和辦工室租金比較 --- p.104 / 表5.2:台灣與中國大陸經香港轉口貿易表 --- p.108 / 表5.3:大陸台灣科技合作互補性 --- p.109 / 表5.4:兩岸貿易依存度 --- p.109 / 表6.1:分裂國家統一的三個階段 --- p.125 / 表6.2:分裂國家走向統一之四階段 --- p.126 / 表6.3:分裂國家關係進程模式 --- p.127 / 表6.4:「統一過渡期」特點 --- p.130 / 表6.5：「統一過渡期」構想與兩岸統一政策之比較 --- p.132 / 參考書目 --- p.183

Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades / Informe de Seminario para optar al grado de Licenciada en Lengua y Literatura Hispánica, mención Literatura / Se presenta este ensayo como un estudio que analizará la novela de Los Vigilantes de Diamela Eltit. En ella se examinará la presencia de elementos propios del imaginario de Gabriela Mistral y de un mito psicoanalítico de Imre Hermann. Se tendrá como antecedente el que la propia Mistral habría incluido este mito en su obra. Se procederá a responder las razones de tal inclusión. Para ello se tomará en primera instancia herramientas del psicoanálisis literario y del trabajo de Patricio Marchant en torno a la poeta. En segundo lugar se realiza el vínculo de ambas autoras utilizando teoría de géneros en los que consideraremos a autoras como Showalter, Irigaray y Cixous. Tras evidenciar la presencia de estas entidades literarias, se procederá a analizar esta estrategia escritural como una forma de memoria ficcional. Para ello nos valdremos de los trabajos hechos por Félix Martínez Bonati y José María Ruiz-Vargas en torno a memoria ficcional. Con ello proporcionaremos la evidencia de la presencia de estas entidades literarias y las referiremos como una forma de estrategia escritural vinculada vitalmente a un trabajo de memoria.

This dissertation looks at the way in which the shifting configurations of nation, gender and future in Micah might affect readers' positioning as subjects---that is their positioning as agents of speech and action---in a way that might engender resistance to oppression. It is suggested that if readers of Micah identify with the ambiguous and shifting national and gendered identities, within the context of the book's visions for the future, they are urged to recognize contradictions within their own subjectivity. This has the possible effect of shifting the reader's pre-formed subject position, or at least interrogating it, a process which may allow for resistance to oppression. The theoretical problematic for this approach originates within recent discussions of textual determinacy in biblical and literary criticism: "is it the text or the reader that controls meaning?" The work of theorist Homi K. Bhabha on the negotiation of cultural difference in colonial and post-colonial contexts is used to engage the position---common to much contemporary literary and cultural criticism---that the reader comes to the text already formed as a subject within ideology, and that this will necessarily affect or control the way she reads the text. Zizek's reading of Althusser through Lacan is taken as a starting point for an understanding of "subject formation" thus conceived. This position, which tends toward the fixity of the subject, can be seen as analogous to Bhabha's discussion of the role of "pedagogical objects and discourses" (cultural icons, stereotypes, formative events) within the construction of national identity. By way of contrast, Bhabha's key concepts---hybridity, third space, outside the sentence, liminal identification, time-lag, agency in indeterminacy; in short performative practice---envision an identification with difference in a way that allows for the subject to be repositioned and for meaning to be reinscribed. Bhabha's notions of pedagogical object and

Thesis (M.A.) -- Guo li Taiwan da xue. / Reproduced from typescript. Bibliography: p. 221-230. Also issued in print.

Akademisk avhandling--Litteraturvetenskap--Lund, 1980. / Résumé en allemand. Bibliogr. p. 266-282. Index.

Thesis (M.A.) -- Guo li Taiwan da xue. / Reproduced from typescript. Bibliography: p. 221-230.

No description available.

This dissertation traces the evolution of Canadian housing policy from 1935 to 1949 and examines the background to the origins of the housing problems which promoted the creation of these programs from the beginning of the 20th century. The basic housing problem, viewed as a disparity between what families needed in terms of acceptable shelter and what they could afford to pay without sacrificing other necessities of life, is shown to have reached major proportions in rapidly expanding Canadian cities in the boom period from 1900 -1913. Such gaps were exacerbated by later war induced movements of population and slowing down of new residential construction as ·a result of the inflation of building supplies. The ensuing shelter shortage and 1 abour unrest encouraged the passage of the first federal housing legislation in 1919. This program refused to accept the principle of subsidized housing. It attempted to provide low cost housing through maximum price ceilings on the cost of homes sold under the program. Consequently the homes built under the scheme were frequently of poor construction and many returned to the ownership of municipalities after the home price deflation, which took place in 1923. The program was discontinued and the revival of prosperity to the residential construction industry ended the interest of unions, architects, business groups, planners and many social work professionals in social housing. The great depression of the 1930's brought a renewal of public interest in housing problems and of federal housing programs. This new concern of professionals, unions and certain business groups in the housing problem created a backbench revolt of Conservative MP 1 S in Bennett•s government. The unanimous endorsation of the reformers• approach by the all party parliamentary housing committee led to the passage of the Dominion Housing act of 1935 by Bennett • s government. This new DHA 1egis1 a tion, however, ignored the basic request of reform opinion for subsidized low rental housing and instead provided for joint government private lender mortgage loans which could only be afforded by the top twenty per cent of Canadian fami 1 i es in terms of income. Low rental housing was assigned by the DHA to an Economic Council of Canada which never met as it was abolished by King•s government before any of its members could be appointed. Social housing was also shunted aside by the National Housing Acts of 1938 and 1944. These provided unworkable legislation which promised, but could not produce, limited dividend, low rental housing. As a result of the necessities of the Second World War,opposition of the Department of Finance to publicly constructed rental housing was briefly set aside by the federal government. The protests of tenants kept such construction, first for munitions workers and later directed to returning veterans, as an important factor in the immediate post-war years. However this large scale program of social housing, would be replaced by a very low volume public housing effort in the NHA amendments of 1949. This legislation )which finally committed the federal government to the controversial principle of subsidized housing )would provide only a trickle of units until it was amended after 1964. Federal policy had discouraged social housing while encouraging the development of a housing industry dominated by large scale residential builders. It was these large scale developers, fostered by federal interventions such as the Integrated Housing Program, that would largely shape future Canadian urban residential development. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

M.S.