Au sein de la chanson francophone contemporaine, Renaud jouit d'un triple statut: celui de chanteur populaire, adulé et acclamé par de nombreux admirateurs, celui d'auteur-compositeur-interprète engagé et celui de chanteur rebelle. Or, pour être considéré comme tel, il a dû se bâtir une crédibilité et une légitimité, celles-ci étant tributaires de l'image qu'il a forgée de lui-même par ses chansons, son discours, sa prise de parole. Ce mémoire appréhende son oeuvre sous l'angle de l'ethos, qui réfère à cette construction d'une image de soi par le discours dans le but de susciter l'adhésion d'un public. Nous prenons appui sur les théories de l'énonciation, et plus particulièrement sur la notion de scénographie qui nous permet de déceler les marques discursives de l'énonciateur et d'analyser cet ethos. La scénographie renferme en effet la figure de l'énonciateur, appelée garant, et la figure corrélative du coénonciateur, les deux étant associées à une chronographie (un moment) et une topographie (un lieu) qui nourrissent le discours tout en le validant. Nous posons comme hypothèse que le chanteur articule son discours chansonnier autour de trois scénographies, soit celles du discours artistique-littéraire (chapitre I), du discours pamphlétaire (chapitre II) et du discours humaniste (chapitre III), desquelles surgit l'ethos d'un chanteur enragé, engagé, puis désabusé (chapitre IV). Aucune des recherches parues à ce jour sur l'oeuvre de Renaud ne s'était attardée sur le lien tissé entre le chanteur et son public par son discours textuel proprement dit. Notre analyse, qui fait appel, entre autres, aux concepts de métachanson, de pacte autobiographique et qui décortique la logique sous-jacente à son discours pamphlétaire, nous mène de l'image d'apprenti chanteur des premiers textes jusqu'à celle de chanteur populaire, en passant par le rebelle anarchiste, le mari férocement amoureux, le paternel aimant et l'humaniste profondément épris de justice sociale et de liberté. Enragé? Il l'a été. Engagé? Aussi. Désabusé? Il faut voir. La chanson étant une vaste entreprise de séduction entre un artiste et un (son) public, nous posons la question: « Et si tout cela n'était que postures? » L'analyse de notre corpus, qui comporte les 127 textes originaux signés par Renaud sur 11 albums parus entre 1975 et 2002, répond à cette question, laquelle est intimement liée au concept d'ethos. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Ethos, Discours, Scénographie, Chanson, Énonciateur, Humanisme, Pamphlétaire, Métachanson.

This work consists of a combination of approaches to understanding the mythological workings of the death and life of Eva Peron. Using the Foucauldian notions of discursive regularities, the study of materialization and meaning in the 'body that matters' by Judith Butler, along with Baudrillard's definition of simulacra and simulation, this thesis traces the diverse constructions and significations of the 'names' and 'bodies' surrounding Evita's life, the treatment of her death, and the period which followed. Throughout the course of this analysis, her names and bodies are subjected to the conception of 'myth' as defined by Roland Barthes, bringing to light the entwining of factual and fictional narratives that continually supply them. Derrida's notion of differance is used to illustrate the resistance to closure in the histories/stories which emerge from her once single and singular existence and its infinity of derivations.

This thesis is the result of research on the nature of Japan's security policy as pursued by the Ikeda Cabinet during I960 and 1964. The main discussion consists of three parts: internal political impacts on security policy making; external political impacts on security policy of Japan; and Japan's security policy proper. Three political parties are studied as significant determinants of internal political impacts on the decision making structure of the Japanese political system. The rationale is that these political parties provide channels that connect the decision making core and the outer area of the Japanese political system. Therefore, the study of these political parties is a rewarding attempt at observing political inputs that the decision making core of the Japanese political system receives. International exchange of the Japanese political system is investigated in the second part of the discussion. This subject is viewed both as inputs and outputs of the Japanese political system in relation to its international environment. The nature of the external impacts such as military, economic, geographic, ideological or cultural impacts is not specified in the following discussion, but is viewed as a Gestalt, or total being which comprises all the elements stated above. The third section deals with what is usually described as defence policy. A more military aspect of Japan's security policy is studied in this section. In conclusion, a broad generalisation is derived from the survey cited in the main discussion. The conclusion is characterised as the principle of balance in the Ikeda Cabinet's security policy. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

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by Charles H. Fine and Evan L. Porteus. / Bibliography: p. [25].

This essay is, in the main, a presentation of Dewey's social and political philosophy, with particular attention being given to his theory of the origin and nature of the state and to his recommendations for a programme of social reconstruction. As Dewey relies on the use of intelligence for conscious intervention within the social process and for the purposive control of social change, the first chapter of this essay is given to an exposition of Dewey's version of the pragmatic method, Instrumentalism. The major influences which operated to shape Dewey's methodological approach to philosophic problems are the following: (1) the rise of American industry: the divorce of production from hand-tool methods and the introduction of technology and mass manufacturing techniques; (2) the emergence of Pragmatism as a distinctive American philosophy; (3) the rising influence of the biological sciences; (4) the contemplative character of classic philosophy. These influences form the matrix out of which Dewey's general philosophic outlook emerged; an outlook in which thinking is shifted from the contemplative to the practical, and which is ordered by the principle that thinking is instrumental to a control of the environment. Consistent with his methodology, Dewey places his theory of the emergence, existence and functioning of the state on an empirical base. Causal agency theories of the state are rejected; a theory of social organization must start with what is observable, human behaviour. The hypostatized "'Individual" and "Society" are dissolved by a psychology of social behaviourism which holds that the individual is an emergent from a group matrix and his behaviour as an individual Is explainable only by reference to the group. Dewey's social theory begins, therefore, with the facts that human beings exist and act within some kind of social grouping and that the consequences of acting within an association are perceived by the Individuals comprising it. The perception of consequences is the keystone of Dewey's theory. In Dewey's view the fact that consequences are perceived gives rise to the problem of controlling certain consequences, and to the correlative problem of providing the apparatus for regulating actions to attain specified and predetermined consequences. Dewey distinguishes two kinds of actions (or transactions, in Dewey's terminology): those whose consequences are direct and confined to the group within which the actions take place are defined as private; but actions which have effects outside of the group and generate indirect consequences are classified as public. The need to control actions affecting the welfare of those not directly involved in the transactions brings into existence a special social group which Dewey calls A Public. This social entity takes on political form, It becomes a political state, when officials or representatives are appointed or elected and the organize the Public to care for the common interest generated by the indirect consequences of transactions. The formation of states in a continuing, experimental process; as the conditions of social life change so does the need for new forms of political organization. Finally, democracy, in Dewey's theory, is a form of government arising out of a specified practice in selecting officials and regulating their conduct as officials. Dewey's social theory implies the direction of society by ideas and by knowledge. It is Dewey's general thesis, therefore, that the method of experimental social inquiry is the most effective means for a community organized as a political state to make satisfactory adaptations to a changing material, intellectual and moral culture and, at the same time, allowing maximum freedom to the individual for the development of his capacities and potentialities. Recognizing that men are ruled by habit and that they cling to long established beliefs, Dewey saw the persistence of the liberal tradition as the means for carrying the experimental methodology into the arena of social and political affairs. But before it could serve this purpose, liberalism had to be reconstructed. In this reconstruction Dewey saw no need to modify the ends of liberalism, but he points out that if they are to play a guiding role in contemporary life liberalism must abandon its atomistic psychology and the correlative doctrines of individualism and laissez-faire and adopt the ideas and methods of an experimental social philosophy. The immediate problematic situation which prompted Dewey to advocate an experimental method of social inquiry operating through a renascent liberalism was the lack of integration in contemporary social life manifested by (1) the fragmentation of society into a multiplicity of changing publics with differing needs and demands, and (2) the apparent absence of a public controlling and directing the apparatus of government. Dewey argues that the impact of science on society has been so traumatic that traditional political methods are incapable of dealing with the problems which have been created. However, he does not specify what the alternative methods are, but only commits himself to identifying the conditions which must prevail if the Great Community and a democratically organized Public are to emerge. These conditions are absolute freedom of social inquiry and the widest possible distribution of its conclusions. Given the foregoing conditions, the state will become effectively the instrument of the Public. / Arts, Faculty of / Philosophy, Department of / Graduate