Akademisk avhandling--Historia--Lund, 1981. / Bibliogr. p. 109-113. Résumé en anglais.

Submitted by Beatriz_ Estagiaria (marcianb@ig.com.br) on 2012-02-02T17:22:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 000024326.pdf: 5193889 bytes, checksum: ac94314e2136acb0d9789e13ee61c43d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-02-02T17:22:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 000024326.pdf: 5193889 bytes, checksum: ac94314e2136acb0d9789e13ee61c43d (MD5) / Ce travail est une analyse critique des objectifs et des stratégies des trois mouvements d’éducation popu1aire plus expressifs, au Brésil, à la période comprise entre 1961 et 1964, lesquels avaient pour objectif une transformation qualitative des structures sociales: le Mouvement d’Education de Base (MEB), le Mouvement de Culture Populaire du Recife (MCP) et le Centre Populaire de Culture (CPC) de l’Union Nacionale des Etudiants (UNE). L’analyse critique a été faite dans le cadre théorique proposé par Gramsci, avec des éléments explicatifs de la dynamique des forces socia1es d’un Etat capitaliste, en tenant compte du contexte économique, social et politique de l’époque. On s’est efforcé à identifier l’étendue de l’action qui s’est échappée au controle des classes dominantes et qui a permis la formation d’une contre-hégémonie. L’action des intellectuels, fondamentale dans cette dimension, vu qu’il s’agit de créer une nouvelle conception de l’histoire, a été analysée dans son effort d’éveiller le dynamisme des couches populaires et de les diriger vers la conquête des buts politiques et sociaux de transformation qualitative de l’ordre en vigueur. Sans aboutir à des conclusions definitives - les mouvements ont eu une durée de trois ans seulement – l’étude a réconnu l’importance de l'action du MEB et du MCP pour la prise de conscience des couches populaires en direction de la formation d'une contre-hégémonie. L’action du CPC a été moins significative pour les couches populaires, mais elle a été très importante en ce qui concerne aux mouvements artistiques et culturels. Les trois mouvements n’ont pas eu une vision théorique assez claire des possibilités de transformations qualitatives de l'Etat capitaliste et ils n’ont pas réussi à orienter politiquement le dynamisme des couches populaires dans cette direction. / O presente estudo propõe uma análise crítica dos objetivos e estratégias dos três movimentos de educação popular mais expressivos no Brasil, no periodo de 1961-64, as quais tinham como objetivo último transformações qualitativas na estrutura social: o Movimento de Educação de Base (MEB), o Movimento de Cultura Popular de Recife (MCP) e o Centro Popular de Cultura (CPC) da União Nacional dos Estudantes(UNE). A análise crítica foi feita a partir de referencial teórico elaborado com base na teoria de Gramsci, com elementos para explicar a dinâmica das forças sociais em Estado capitalista, levando em consideração o contexto econômico, social e politico da época como pressuposto necessãrio à análise de um fato social. Interessou, sobremodo, no referencial, identificar os espaços de ação que escaparam ao controle da classe dominante, permitindo a formação de uma contra-hegemonia. A ação dos intelectuais, fundamental nesta dimensão, uma vez que se trata de criar nova concepção de história, foi analisada enquanto se propôs despertar o dinamismo residente na camada popular e canalizá-lo para fins político-sociais de transformação qualitativa da ordem vigente. Sem conclusões definitivas - os movimentos só atuaram três anos, até serem supressos em abril de 1964 - o estudo reconhece uma expressiva atuação do MEB e MCP na conscientização e treinamento da camada popular em sentido da formação de contra-hegemonia, destacando-se o surgimento e formação de lideranças nesta camada. O CPC, com maior caráter de mobilização, teve ação menos significativa com a camada popular, no entanto ele se distinguiu pela elaboração artistica e cultural. Não apareceu, nos três movimentos, uma visão teórica suficientemente clara sobre as possibilidades de transformação qualitativa em Estado capitalista e não houve a canalização e orientação política que era de se esperar no dinamismo despertado na camada popular.

The Belgian political system before 1961 depended for its stability primarily upon the three traditional parties which dominated it and transcended the cleavage between the Dutch and French speaking communities. In times of tension, such as the Schools Crisis of 1958, inter-party co-operation (or consociational democracy) was used as a means of crisis-management. The system was, therefore, one of competitive party politics in normal times and consociational techniques used to resolve exceptionally acute issues. The Community Problem of the 1960s, arising out of the growth of strong community or regional movements and new political parties in Flanders, Wallonia and Brussels, assumed crisis proportions in 1968 when it caused the downfall of a government. The consociational approach was attempted as in 1958. It proved difficult because by 1968 the main parties were losing control of the political situation. Their traditional total dominance of the system was weakened and they were themselves splitting internally along community lines under pressure from the regional movements. The efforts to reform the Constitution in the 1960s and again in the 1970s were an attempt to achieve a consensus to de-fuse the issues and manage the crisis. This was more difficult to achieve than in 1958 because of the complexity of the issues, many of which allowed no compromise where compromise was essential, the mixed motives of the various parties and their varying levels of enthusiasm for the reforms and finally the serious strains upon the unity of the traditional parties. Reforms were passed in 1971 by all parties and in 1980 by the three traditional parties alone. The new system, in spite of its allowance for regional cultural and economic autonomy, remains still largely centralist. Post-1980 Belgium presents, however, many more areas where compromise and accommodation are more necessary than before 1961. The necessary pre-conditions for consociationalism as part of normal politics have increased. It is questionable, however, whether these pre-conditions will prove sufficient to transform the system into a consociational democracy on a more permanent basis.

Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Meteorology, 1961. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 108-109). / by Cyriaque John Loisel and Alfred Carl Molla, Jr. / M.S.

No description available.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

The preparation of 3-trifluoronethyl-2,5-dihydrothiophene 1,1- dioxide (I) was attempted by means of a modified Diels-Alder reaction of 2- trifluoromethyl-1,3-butadiene (II) and sulfur dioxide. Evidence is given to support the structure of the product of the Diels-Alder reaction as that assigned to I. / Master of Science

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept of History, August, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1995. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [317]-330).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 7, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 96-100).